Political scientists have long classified systems of government as parliamentary or presidential, two-party or multiparty, and so on. But such distinctions often fail to provide useful insights. For ...example, how are we to compare the United States, a presidential bicameral regime with two weak parties, to Denmark, a parliamentary unicameral regime with many strong parties?Veto Playersadvances an important, new understanding of how governments are structured. The real distinctions between political systems, contends George Tsebelis, are to be found in the extent to which they afford political actors veto power over policy choices. Drawing richly on game theory, he develops a scheme by which governments can thus be classified. He shows why an increase in the number of "veto players," or an increase in their ideological distance from each other, increases policy stability, impeding significant departures from the status quo.
Policy stability affects a series of other key characteristics of polities, argues the author. For example, it leads to high judicial and bureaucratic independence, as well as high government instability (in parliamentary systems). The propositions derived from the theoretical framework Tsebelis develops in the first part of the book are tested in the second part with various data sets from advanced industrialized countries, as well as analysis of legislation in the European Union. Representing the first consistent and consequential theory of comparative politics,Veto Playerswill be welcomed by students and scholars as a defining text of the discipline.
From the preface to the Italian edition:
"Tsebelis has produced what is today the most original theory for the understanding of the dynamics of contemporary regimes. . . . This book promises to remain a lasting contribution to political analysis."--Gianfranco Pasquino, Professor of Political Science, University of Bologna
In June 1938, Franklin D. Roosevelt signed into law a new Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, the first major legislation regulating these industries since the 1906 Wiley law. Eliminating many serious and ...long-standing abuses in production, labeling, and advertising, the 1938 Act was, in the words of David L. Cowen, "a milestone in federal interest in consumer protection." Despite its importance to the American public, however, its passage was effected only after a long, complex battle between conflicting interest groups.
This volume is a study in depth of that five-year struggle, fully documented by records, correspondence, and publications, as well as a social history of the period. The author analyzes the inadequacy of the 1906 law, the roles of Franklin Roosevelt, Henry Wallace, and Rexford Tugwell, the American Medical Association, drug associations, and consumers' and women's groups.
Originally published in 1970.
ThePrinceton Legacy Libraryuses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
Tracking and verifying climate actions - commitments made by parties to prevent climate change - requires transparent data reporting. These actions can relate to climate mitigation, adaptation or ...financing: for instance, Coca-Cola has pledged to set an internal carbon price by 2017; the UK city of Aberdeen has committed to reducing community carbon dioxide emissions by 42% between 2008 and 2020.
Over the past hundred years, average life expectancy in America has nearly doubled, due largely to scientific and medical advances, but also as a consequence of safer working conditions, a heightened ...awareness of the importance of diet and health, and other factors. Yet while longevity is celebrated as an achievement in modern civilization, the longer people live, the more likely they are to succumb to chronic, terminal illnesses. In 1900, the average life expectancy was 47 years, with a majority of American deaths attributed to influenza, tuberculosis, pneumonia, or other diseases. In 2000, the average life expectancy was nearly 80 years, and for too many people, these long lifespans included cancer, heart failure, Lou Gehrig's disease, AIDS, or other fatal illnesses, and with them, came debilitating pain and the loss of a once-full and often independent lifestyle. In this compelling and provocative book, noted legal scholar Howard Ball poses the pressing question: is it appropriate, legally and ethically, for a competent individual to have the liberty to decide how and when to die when faced with a terminal illness? At Liberty to Die charts how, the right of a competent, terminally ill person to die on his or her own terms with the help of a doctor has come deeply embroiled in debates about the relationship between religion, civil liberties, politics, and law in American life. Exploring both the legal rulings and the media frenzies that accompanied the Terry Schiavo case and others like it, Howard Ball contends that despite raging battles in all the states where right to die legislation has been proposed, the opposition to the right to die is intractable in its stance. Combining constitutional analysis, legal history, and current events, Ball surveys the constitutional arguments that have driven the right to die debate.
Biotechnology and law are inextricable. Patent, regulatory, and contract law profoundly shape the biotech industry, and each of these practice areas is deeply intertwined with the science it governs. ...Yet many in this industry lack even a basic grasp of these laws, jeopardizing their business success as a result. This book is an essential introduction to biotechnology law for scientists, startup founders, regulatory specialists, patent liaisons, investors, academics, students, and other nonattorneys with biotech backgrounds. It covers core topics such as patentability, patent prosecution and infringement, patent opinions, the development and FDA approval of small-molecule and biologic drugs, regulatory exclusivity, generic drugs and ANDA litigation, biosimilars and the patent dance, patent licenses, and collaboration agreements. Written with scientists in mind,Biotechnology Law is a clear, concise, and entirely practical primer on the topic, replete with straightforward, real-world examples to illustrate each key concept. Understanding the legal machinery through which science becomes business is not a luxury-it is a crucial part of a scientist's training. Alan J. Morrison's expert treatment embraces this new reality.
In International Law and Transition to Peace in Colombia, César Rojas-Orozco analyses the role of international law in transition from armed conflict to peace, by using the analytical framework of ...jus post bellum and Colombia as a case study. While contemporary attention to jus post bellum has focused on its theoretical development and regarding international warfare, this book is the first work to comprehensively assess the concept in practice and in the context of a non-international armed conflict. Discussing the creative formulas adopted in Colombia to conciliate international legal requirements and the practical needs of peace, the book offers concrete elements to understand the concept of jus post bellum as a framework to guide other transitions around the world. Readership: Scholars and practitioners interested in the role of international law at peacemaking and peacebuilding, in the concept of jus post bellum, and in the Colombian transition to peace.
Terrorist attacks regularly trigger the enactment of repressive laws, setting in motion a vicious cycle that threatens to devastate civil liberties over the twenty-first century. In this ...clear-sighted book, Bruce Ackerman peers into the future and presents an intuitive, practical alternative. He proposes an "emergency constitution" that enables government to take extraordinary actions to prevent a second strike in the short run while prohibiting permanent measures that destroy our freedom over the longer run.Ackerman's "emergency constitution" exposes the dangers lurking behind the popular notion that we are fighting a "war" on terror. He criticizes court opinions that have adopted the war framework, showing how they uncritically accept extreme presidential claims to sweeping powers. Instead of expanding the authority of the commander in chief, the courts should encourage new forms of checks and balances that allow for decisive, but carefully controlled, presidential action during emergencies. In making his case, Ackerman explores emergency provisions in constitutions of nations ranging from France to South Africa, retaining aspects that work and adapting others. He shows that no country today is well equipped to both fend off terrorists and preserve fundamental liberties, drawing particular attention to recent British reactions to terrorist attacks. Written for thoughtful citizens throughout the world, this book is democracy's constitutional reply to political excess in the sinister era of terrorism.
Professional medical organizations recommend that adults receive routine postpartum care. Yet, some states restrict public insurance coverage for undocumented immigrants and recently documented ...immigrants (those who received legal documentation status within the past 5 years).
To examine the association between public insurance coverage and postpartum care among low-income immigrants and the difference in receipt of postpartum care among immigrants relative to nonimmigrants.
A pooled, cross-sectional analysis was conducted using data from the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System for 19 states and New York City including low-income adults with a live birth between 2012 and 2019.
Giving birth in a state that offered public insurance coverage for postpartum care to recently documented or undocumented immigrants.
Self-reported receipt of postpartum care by the category of coverage offered (full coverage: states that offered publicly funded postpartum care regardless of immigration status; moderate coverage: states that offered publicly funded postpartum care to lawfully residing immigrants without a 5-year waiting period, but did not offer postpartum care to undocumented immigrants; no coverage: states that did not offer publicly funded postpartum care to lawfully present immigrants before 5 years of legal residence or to undocumented immigrants).
The study included 72 981 low-income adults (20 971 immigrants 29% and 52 010 nonimmigrants 71%). Of the 19 included states and New York City, 6 offered full coverage, 9 offered moderate coverage, and 4 offered no coverage; 1 state (Oregon) switched from offering moderate coverage to offering full coverage. Compared with the states that offered full coverage, receipt of postpartum care among immigrants was 7.0-percentage-points lower (95% CI, -10.6 to -3.4 percentage points) in the states that offered moderate coverage and 11.3-percentage-points lower (95% CI, -13.9 to -8.8 percentage points) in the states that offered no coverage. The differences in the receipt of postpartum care among immigrants relative to nonimmigrants were also associated with the coverage categories. Compared with the states that offered full coverage, there was a 3.3-percentage-point larger difference (95% CI, -5.3 to -1.4 percentage points) in the states that offered moderate coverage and a 7.7-percentage-point larger difference (95% CI, -10.3 to -5.0 percentage points) in the states that offered no coverage.
Compared with states without insurance restrictions, immigrants living in states with public insurance restrictions were less likely to receive postpartum care. Restricting public insurance coverage may be an important policy-driven barrier to receipt of recommended pregnancy care and improved maternal health among immigrants.
PDF
