Rad analizira ciljeve i taktike slovenskih političkih grupacija od Prvoprosinačkoga akta 1918. do izbora za Konstituantu u studenom 1920. Iako su na vanjskopolitičkom planu ciljevi slovenskih ...stranaka bili slični, a na unutarnjem su planu sve političke snage pretendirale na sudjelovanje u vlasti, proučavani period obilježili su brojni unutarstranački rascjepi. U Slovenskoj narodnoj stranci vladala je podjela na kritičare velikosrpske politike i oportuniste koji su pokušavali pripremiti poslijeizbornu koaliciju sa srpskim radikalima (Narodna radikalna stranka). Stranka je zahvaljujući ambiciji očuvanja kako statusa najjače slovenske političke opcije tako i koalicijskoga potencijala za participaciju u vlasti, što je nudilo bolju perspektivu za postizanje vanjskopolitičkih ciljeva, ipak uspjela sačuvati organizacijsku cjelovitost. Istovremeno su se slovenski liberali, koji su za razliku od većine konzervativaca iskreno raširenih ruku dočekali Kraljevinu Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, fragmentirali na više stranaka. Tome je doprinijelo očekivanje da će se na slovenskim područjima, uslijed uključivanja u južnoslavensku državu, povećati manevarski prostor za jugoslavensko-unitarističke političke snage, stoga je dio liberala krenuo u osvajanje rubnih segmenata biračkoga tijela koje je prije pripadalo konzervativcima. Prosječni slovenski birač, međutim, nije bio sklon unitarizmu te je najbolji izborni rezultat ostvarila liberalna opcija koja je u predizborno vrijeme naglašavala slovensku autonomiju. Relativno dobar rezultat postiže socijaldemokratski pol, unutar kojega također dolazi do rascjepa. Dok su se reformisti u kritikama usmjeravali direktno na slovensku političku konkurenciju, komunisti se odcjepljuju i odlučuju za radikalniji nastup prema Srbiji. Slovensku narodnu stranku kritiziraju tek implicitno, štoviše preuzimaju i dio njezina predratnoga programa i time bez većega izravnog sukoba ulaze upravo u njezino biračko tijelo.
The paper investigates the objectives and strategies of Slovenian political groups during the period spanning from the
December 1 Act
of 1918 to the elections for the Constituent Assembly in November 1920. Despite shared external political goals among the Slovenian parties and their common ambition to participate in government on the domestic front, this period witnessed numerous internal divisions. Within the Slovenian National Party (Slovenska ljudska stranka – SLS), a rift emerged between critics of Greater Serbian policies and opportunists aiming for a post-election coalition with Serbian radicals (Narodna radikalna stranka). Despite the ambition of both preserving the status of the strongest Slovenian political option and using the coalition potential for government participation, which offered a better perspective for achieving foreign policy objectives, the party successfully preserved its organizational integrity. Simultaneously, the Slovenian liberals, who welcomed the Kingdom of SCS with enthusiasm unlike the majority of conservatives, experienced fragmentation into several parties. This was fuelled by the expectation that Slovenian inclusion in the South Slavic state would create more manoeuvring room in Slovenian territory for Yugoslav unitary political forces. Consequently, some liberals sought to capture the marginal segments of the electorate traditionally aligned with the conservatives. The average Slovenian voter, however, showed a reluctance towards unitarism, and the best electoral result was achieved by the liberal faction emphasizing Slovenian autonomy during the pre-election period. The social democratic pole achieved a relatively good result, even as it experienced internal division. Reformists directed their criticism at their Slovenian political competitors, while communists adopted a more radical approach towards Serbia. They criticized the SLS only implicitly and even absorbed segments of its pre-war program, penetrating its electorate without major direct conflict.
In 1904 Radic mobilized the peasantry into the Croatian Peasant Party that fought to reform Yugoslavia's centralist state system until his assassination in 1928 that ended the country's short ...democratic experience.
U radu je prikazano političko promišljanje i politički rad fra Ante Cikojevića, uglednog i poznatog franjevca Provincije Presvetoga Otkupitelja, u predratnom i međuratnom vremenu, točnije od 1910. do ...1935. godine. Kao član Hrvatskoga katoličkog pokreta(HKP) Cikojević je na početku svog političkog ‘aktivizma’, slijedeći političku orijentaciju pokreta, prišao Stranci prava u Dalmaciji. Ta pravaška faza kratko je trajala. Kao član Hrvatskoga katoličkog seniorata, vodstva HKP kojeg su činili svršeni studenti, skupa sa Senioratom već 1912. postaje zagovornik jugoslavenske ideje. Poslije rata (1919.) seniori osnivaju Hrvatsku pučku stranku, čije je osnovno usmjerenje bilo ‘katoličko jugoslavenstvo’. Cikojević se zdušno i aktivno uključio u rad stranke. I onda kad je s gašenjem stranke 1929. propala politika ‘katoličkog jugoslavenstva’, Cikojević je ostao dosljedan sljedbenik njezine politike.
The paper presents the political ideas and political work of Fr. Ante Cikojević, a distinguished and well-known Franciscan of the Province of the Most Holy Redeemer, in the pre-war and interwar period, more precisely from 1910 to 1935. As a member of the Croatian Catholic Movement (Hrvatski katolički pokret - HKP), Cikojević joined the Party of Right in Dalmatia at the beginning of his political “activism”, following the political orientation of the Movement. This Party-of-Right phase was short-lived. As amember of the Croatian Catholic Seniorate, the leadership of the Movement, which consisted of graduates, he became an advocate of the Yugoslav idea as early as 1912, together with the Seniorate. After the war (1919), the seniors founded the Croatian People’s Party, whose basic orientation was “Catholic Yugoslavism”. Cikojević participated ardently and actively in the work of the Party. Even when the politics of “Catholic Yugoslavism” collapsed with the closure of the party in 1929, Cikojević remained a consistent follower of its politics.
Svrha ovoga rada bila je, da se utvrđivanjem razlika u djelovanju Čiste stranke prava
(Starčevićeve hrvatske stranke prava/Stranke prava) u varaždinskom i ludbreškom kotaru
početkom 20. stoljeća, ...doprinese razumijevanju razlika, koje danas postoje između
dviju hrvatskih regija, Varaždinštine i Podravine. Spomenute razlike autor je analizirao
prvenstveno na temelju izbornih rezultata, kao i na temelju društvene strukture pristaša
ove stranke, koju je pokušao rekonstruirati putem povezanosti istaknutih članova
stranke, s pojedinim gospodarskim institucijama u ovim kotarima. U svom radu autor
je primijetio, da je ova stranka prije prodrla u ludbreški nego u varaždinski kotar, da je
u varaždinski kotar prodrla iz ludbreškog kotara, te da je u ludbreškom kotaru čvršće
uporište stvorila samo u Ludbregu, dok je u varaždinskom kotaru čvrsta uporišta stvorila
u njegovim seoskim općinama. Posljednja činjenica omogućila je prodor Hrvatske pučke
seljačke stranke u ludbreški kotar, te uzrokovala njezino zaustavljanje na granicama
varaždinskog kotara. Polazeći od donedavne pripadnosti prostora varaždinskog kotara
Podravini, te od postojeće definicije Podravine kao ishodišnog područja Hrvatske pučke
seljačke stranke, autor je zaključio da je Čista stranka prava (Starčevićeva hrvatska
stranka prava/Stranka prava), zaustavljajući prelijevanje utjecaja Hrvatske pučke seljačke
stranke iz ludbreškog u varaždinski kotar, znatno doprinijela izdvajanju varaždinskog
kotara u posebnu regiju, Varaždinštinu.
Autor analizira stavove slovenskih katoličko-narodnjačkih i liberalnih časopisa glede državnopravnih pitanja u razdoblju od Sarajevskoga atentata 1914. do zagrebačkoga sastanka u ožujku 1918. ...Katoličko-narodnjačka Slovenska pučka stranka početkom rata zauzela je snažan protusrpski stav. Dok je na vanjskopolitičkom planu dio stranke zazivao vojno kažnjavanje Srbije, na unutarnjem stranka unisono zastupa ideju hrvatsko-slovenske državne jedinice unutar Habsburške Monarhije. Slovenski su liberali na drugoj strani, unatoč osudi čina atentata, osuđivali protusrpske demonstracije te pritom naglašavali odgovornost austrougarske politike za eskalaciju rata. Uslijed širih makrogeopolitičkih događaja, prije svega povećanja vjerojatnosti Antantine pobjede, koja je povećavala strah pred implementacijom Londonskoga ugovora, te činjenice da su velikonjemački austrijski krugovi iskoristili rat protiv Srbije za širu protu(jugo)slavensku kampanju u kojoj se svaka emancipacijska težnja Slovenaca i Hrvata prikazivala kao protudržavni element, slovenski katolički narodnjaci mijenjaju strategiju. Nakon uviđanja da ni iskazivanje najsnažnijih proaustrijskih emocija te ulaganje iznimno velikih napora u predočavanje razlike između slovensko-hrvatske trijalističke vizije i velikosrpskoga koncepta neće uroditi plodom, slovenski su katolički narodnjaci krenuli putem okrupnjavanja vlastitoga političkog legitimiteta preko zauzimanja vodećih pozicija u zastupničkim tijelima austrougarskih Južnih Slavena. Budući da je za to bila potrebna i suradnja sa slovenskim liberalima te austrougarskim Srbima, taj je obrat implicirao i prihvaćanje širega južnoslavenskoga koncepta.
The author analyzes the views of Slovenian Catholic populist and liberal magazines regarding Slovenian and South Slavic statehood issues in the period from the assassination in Sarajevo in 1914 to the meeting in Zagreb in March 1918. At the beginning of the war, the Slovenian People's Party (SLS) took a strong anti-Serbian position and even called for military intervention in Serbia. At the same time, the party unanimously advocated the idea of a Slovene-Croatian state unit within the Habsburg Monarchy as the key political goal. Slovenian liberals, on the other hand, despite condemning the act of assassination, criticized the anti-Serbian demonstrations and emphasized the responsibility of Austro-Hungarian policy for the escalation of the war. As a result of wider macro-geopolitical events, foremost the increased probability of the Entente's victory, which implied the possibility of the implementation of the London Pact, as well as the use by Great German circles in Austria of the war against Serbia for a wider anti-(South) Slavic campaign in which every Slovenian and/or Croatian emancipatory aspiration was portrayed as an anti-state element, Slovenian Catholic populists changed their political direction. After realizing that even expressing the strongest pro-Austrian emotions and investing very great efforts in presenting the difference between the Slovenian-Croatian trialist vision and the Greater Serbian concept would not bear fruit, the SLS decided to change its strategy and to consolidate its own political legitimacy by attaining leading positions in the representative bodies of the Austro-Hungarian South Slavs. Since this required collaboration with Slovenian liberals and Austro-Hungarian Serbs, it also implied the acceptance of a broader South Slavic concept.
U ovom radu prikazuje se razvoj političkih stranaka i opis političke atmosfere u Grubišnom Polju između dva svjetska rata. Raspadom Austro-Ugarske i stvaranjem jugoslavenske države 1918. godine neke ...stare političke stranke nastavile su svoje djelovanje u novim prilikama, ali su nastajale i nove političke stranke. U Grubišnom Polju kao izrazito multietničkom gradiću u kojem su većinu stanovništva činili Hrvati i Srbi te u manjem broju Mađari i Česi, artikuliranje njihovih političkih interesa i opredjeljenja bilo je vrlo slojevito. Kod hrvatskog stanovništva vrlo brzo uzima primat Hrvatska (pučka) seljačka stranka braće Radića, sa svojom seljačkom i republikanskom političkom sastavnicom i ideologijom, koju je zadržala do sloma Kraljevine Jugoslavije, dok je srpsko stanovništvo bilo podijeljeno u svom političkom odabiru. U početku je njihovo opredjeljenje bilo na strani Pribićevićeve Demokratske stranke (kasnije Samostalne demokratske stranke) da bi se usložnjavanjem političke situacije u državi (posebno zbog nerješavanja hrvatskog pitanja, ali i nagomilanih socijalnih i društvenih problema) njihove političke preferencije okrenule prema režimskim strankama s unitarističkim programom – Jugoslavenska nacionalna stranka (JNS) te Stojadinovićeva Jugoslavenska radikalna zajednica (JRZ). Svaka od ovih političkih organizacija stvarala je svoje društvene, socijalne i sportske organizacije u kojima je njihova ideologija bila važnija od rada tih organizacija. Dvije nacionalne zajednice – hrvatska i srpska – bile su dobro integrirane u tamošnju društvenu zajednicu i bez većih antagonizama i sukoba se odvijalo politički život. Ipak na marginama političkog života možemo pratiti začetke ekstremnih ideologija poput ustaškog pokreta, ustrojavanje četničkog udruženja i polako uzdizanje komunističkog pokreta i njegove ideologije. Ove do tada marginalne skupine u političkom smislu preuzet će političku pozornicu izbijanjem Drugog svjetskog rata u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji. U istraživanju se koristila izvorna arhivska građa iz Hrvatskog državnog arhiva u Zagrebu i Državnog arhiva u Bjelovaru, sekundarna literatura te nacionalni i regionalni tisak.
Učitelj i politika Miškulin, Ivica
Scrinia Slavonica,
12/2021, Volume:
21, Issue:
1
Journal Article, Paper
Peer reviewed
Open access
U radu autor ocjenjuje političko djelovanje učitelja i člana Demokratske te
Samostalne demokratske stranke Ivana Trdića u Novoj Kapeli (kotar Nova
Gradiška) i Stražemanu (kotar Požega). Čitatelj se ...posebno upućuje na analizu
stalnih političkih sukoba koje je ovaj deklarirani pristaša unitarnog
jugoslavenstva, centralizirane države i Svetozara Pribićevića imao s pristašama
hrvatske seljačke republike Stjepana Radića u seoskim sredinama u kojima je
službovao. Također, rad pokazuje karakteristične probleme s kojima su se
pripadnici radikalne ideologije jugoslavenskog nacionalizma morali nositi u
hrvatskim seoskim sredinama, kao i neke posljedice opće politizacije
prosvjetnog sustava koje je djelovanje demokrata i samostalnih demokrata proizvelo
u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji.
The descriptive analysis and analytical assessment show that Ivan Trdić’s crucial basic idea was the political ideology of the Yugoslav unitarism. Embodied by its belonging first to the Democratic and later the Independent Democratic Party as well as by the loyalty to Svetozar Pribičević, it was also characterized by the assimilationism, the denial
of ethnic and other realities, ahistoricism, favouritism towards Serbia
and the Serbs as well as by exclusiveness and violence. In view of the fact that Croatian rural communities (particularly Nova Kapela) reacted equally sharply to the intrusive and repressive Yugoslavism, by identifying exclusively with Croatian political parties and at times using violence, Trdić’s position in these parties was from the beginning
rather delicate. After the first electoral defeats had put the democrats in the position of an isolated minority identified with violent Serbianisation and regime violence, they responded with still more vehement reliance on the machinery of government, which naturally produced an even deeper hostility among the local Croatian peasantry. Once the circuit of radical exclusiveness was closed, it fed upon itself, and Trdić’s role in its establishment in a Croatian rural community in the western Slavonian area was an excellent illustration of
processes that also unfolded in other regions. The political weaknesses
of the democrats and independent democrats prevented Trdić from going beyond the local scope; however, the characteristic inclination of both Trdić and his associates to administrative violence to a large extent affected the educational system. Firstly, he used Pribičević’s political
influence to expel real and imaginary enemies from the majority of primary schools in the Nova Gradiška district and to enrol supporters and members of the Democratic party; subsequently he was appointed school principal in Nova Kapela. Trdić enjoyed his heyday only for a short time: in line with the fall of Pribičević, he was transferred from
Nova Kapela and for several years he was relatively passive in Stražeman; certain issues, typical of his employment in Nova Kapela, arose during that period. At the beginning of 1929 Aleksandar Karađorđević’s dictatorship provided new opportunities for Yugoslav nationalists, among others also for Trdić; more on this subsequently.
The Croatian National Day was a manifestation organised by the emigrant Croatian Peasant Party, which began to be held in 1946 in the southern part of the Canadian province of Ontario, where it also ...represented the largest concentration of Croatian emigrants in Canada. The manifestation was launched so that Croatian emigrants could socialise and entertain each other, but also took on a political character, gathering funds for ‘Dr Vladko Maček’s Fund for the Freedom of Croatia’, which was headed by the Main Committee of the Canadian Croatian Peasant Party and at the disposal of the party’s president, Vladko Maček. Starting in 1950, manifestations also began to be held in northern Ontario and Belgium. The organisation of manifestations soon spread to the Pacific coast of North America, so that Croatian National Days were held in Portland from 1953 to 1964 and in Vancouver from 1958 to the end of the studied period. Significant Croatian National Day events were also held in Cleveland from 1962 to the mid-1980s. Croatian national consciousness was expressed at the manifestations, which was highlighted in the Peasant Party’s promotional activities before the manifestations, but also at the manifestations themselves, when holy masses were served for the June victims, Archbishop Aloysius Stepinac, and the Bleiburg victims. National consciousness was promoted by displaying flags with Croatian national symbols and promoting Croatian traditional clothing as well as a cultural-artistic programme carried out at the manifestation itself. Peasant Party members also used the manifestation for spreading their political messages, demanding a free and independent Croatia, at the same criticising the Yugoslav regime as Communist, undemocratic, and dictatorial, and claiming the people were prisoners in their own homeland. The political character of the manifestation was also apparent in the presence of guests, who were mostly Croatian émigré politicians and local politicians, who held their speeches during the official part. Apart from Croatian national consciousness, Croatian emigrants in Canada and the USA expressed their loyalty and respect towards their new homelands, holding manifestations on their respective Independence Days. As regards the number of attendees, one can presume that tens of thousands of Croatian emigrants from Canada, the USA, and Belgium participated at the manifestations in the 1945–90 period.
In this article, the author presents the historical basis of Rightist ideology and its development, and analyses the changes and characteristics of Rightist ideology in various periods. Noting the ...basic characteristics of Rightism, the author argues that Rightism in Croatian political history can be studied through four paradigms: original Rightism and modern Rightism within the frame of the Habsburg / Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, Rightism adapted to the new monarchist framework within the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes / Yugoslavia with elements of republicanism until the ban on political party activity in 1929, and recent Rightism in the Republic of Croatia that is active within the frame of the democratic national party-political system and invokes the historical tradition of the original Rightist ideology.
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