The main contents of this theme are compentences of army ministers in the political system of the Kingdom of Serbia, the extent these compentences were exercised and results and consequences of such compentances. The army ministers’ other duties and activities which originated from the Serbian policy and new situations, their engagement on the realization of such situations as well as other political activities had to be presented, too. All government bodies of Serbia that were involved in complex joint ventures related to military policy are partially covered herein in order to fully understand the role of army ministers, the role not sufficiently researched in historiography. According to the rules army minister exercised military affairs in the king’s name, thus he was at the head of „supreme commanding and administrative military power of the country“ (army ministry), governed the army, ensured supplies for it and exercised command over it in the king’s name. However, the Constitution of Serbia comprised important democratic designations, that were realized in practice. Thus it prescribed that the army was governed by the state, especially by the legislative authorities and that particular very important military actions were to be taken after hearing or decision of the Ministerial Council, which was practically taking over growing executive power in both constitutional and unconstitutional way with strengthening of parliamentarism. Accordingly, the army minister was just one among other political bodies which defined and exercised state military affairs. Civil control of army minister and the army was exercised by the National Assembly, Ministry of Finance, Chief Control and Ministerial Council. The press, using liberty of that period, wrote about almost entire army life. As segments of military and political decisions and actions, like with all other armies, were secret, especially king’s ones, thematic contents had to be searched as deeply as possible, taking into consideration numerous, seemingly, insignificant details, and applying almost all elementary methods of research in additon to operational ones, out of which quantitative analysis of contents with extensive codex was mostly used, for the purpose of better understanding of actual interests and goals, making difference between fictitious and actual actions, etc. Presenting of results is done per problems - in chronological order, with foreign affairs presented first, as then the army was, primarily, means of defence from outside attackers and for acquiring foreign affairs goals of Serbia, in the first place to liberate and unite all Serbs. The research results of the role of army ministers in the foreing affairs were the main contents of the context for presenting their roles in internal and military affairs which were described in two basic sections (third and fourth). As the Serbs in Old Serbia and Maccedonia were suffering physical extermination, the state of Serbia started to support more directly a private initiative and helped the self-organized Serbs who were living there, by equipping them militarily, sending them volunteers, money and other material support, mainly arms and ammunition. The first official running these activities (Serbian chetnik actions) was the first Army Mininster after the May overtrow Jovan Atanacković, who was a carrier of secret state operations from the time of previous dinasty. Atanackovic, being the oldest military conspirator, had a significant role in both bringing King Petar to the throne and strengthening king’s position. In the following year, 1904 this activity was transferred to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with further engagement of army ministers. Solving of conspiracy issues were immediately imposed on Serbia, due to international political pressures as well as internal reasons. Army ministers held on to the king’s attitude on this matter. At the beginning of the Customs War, Army Minister Vasilije Antonić, as a proxy of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, had an important role in alleviating and temporary cease of the war against Austria-Hungary. In Pašić’s governments from 1906 to 1908, Army Minister R. Putnik had a technical role in forcing a solution on cannon issue. During Annexation Crisis, Army Minister S. Stepanović warned the Government and the National Assembly that Serbia was not ready to efficiently resist Austria-Hungary. During 1909, Army Minister M. Živković initiated court and parlamentarian investigation regarding irregularities in military supplies from abroad. Army ministers did not have an extinguished role in concluding the Balkan Alliance of 1912, while when the war started actions of the King, Army Minister R. Bojović, Chairman of the Ministerial Council Pašić and others provided that the war developed successfully and in accordance with the international law. However, while liberated region represented occupied territory, where according to the international law the most highly ranked military commander was to command, the radical top officials were establishing their own power, even making abuses which they prescribed by a directive which was unknown and unconstitutional in historiography, the Directive on Regulation of Liberated Regions of 1912, which was to be countersigned by Army Minister R. Bojović. The said Army Minister rejected this and submitted his resignation. Another directive was issued by the Ministerial Council at the right time when the wars ended in 1913, but it had massive oversights. In the beginning of his mandate, M. Božanović, Army Minister of that time, was indulging the radical top official and was partially to blame for initial success of the Albanian Revolt, for which suppression he mostly put conspirators on the commanding positions of operational and tactical units. Božanović could not accept a low army budget (with no funds for military supplies, etc.), so he submitted his resignation. The new Army Minister D. Stefanović was granted somewhat larger credit, however budget funds for military supplies were ensured through a loan, and the radical top officials used to carry out purchase without supervision. Besides, radical majority in the National Assembly enabled radical government to establish a kind of majority dictatorship, thus pushing the King aside and unconstitutionally trying to put the army under its power. Opposition parties fiercly opposed to this as well as most officers led by Field Marshal Putnik, Chief of Main General Staff. The Russian Ambassador N. Hardig approached the King asking him to keep Pašić in the government to please Russia. During the researched period, Serbia experienced development in all fields regardless of weaknesses. Economic development enabled the army to equip with good arms and owing to other several decades long processes in both society and the army, the army became capable of winning significant victories in the Balkan Wars. Osnovni sadržaji teme su nadležnosti ministara vojnih u političkom sistemu Kraljevine Srbije, u kojem obimu su ih izvršavali i kakvi su rezultati i posledice toga bili. Morale su se izneti i druge njihove obaveze i radnje koje su proistekle iz politike Srbije i novonastalih situacija, njihova angažovanja na realizaciji istih, kao i druge političke aktivnosti. Pri tome su delimično obuhvaćeni svi državni subjekti Srbije u složenim zajedničkim poduhvatima u vezi vojne politike, da bi se što potpunije sagledalala uloga ministara vojnih, koja u istoriografiji nije dovoljno istražena. Normativno je bilo predviđeno da ministar vojni u ime kralja izvršava vojnu politiku, te je bio na čelu "najviše upravne i administrativne vojne vlasti zemlje" (Ministarstva vojnog), rukovodio je vojskom i snabdevao je, i u ime kralja komandovao njom. Ali, u Ustavu Srbije bilo je bitnih demokratskih određenja, koja su se ostvarivala i u praksi, te je bilo predviđeno da vojskom upravlja država, posebno zakonodavna vlast, i da se pojedine bitne vojne radnje preduzimaju posle saslušanja ili odluke Ministarskog saveta, koji je u praksi, sa jačanjem parlamentarizma, preuzimao sve veću izvršnu vlast ustavno ili neustavno. Zato je ministar vojni bio samo jedan od političkih subjekata koji su definisali i izvršavali vojnu politiku države. Civilnu kontrolu ministra vojnog i vojske vršili su Narodna skupština, Ministarstvo finansija, Glavna kontrola i Ministarski savet. Štampa, koristeći se tadašnjom slobodom, pisala je o skoro celokupnom životu vojske. Kako su delovi vojnopolitičkih odluka i radnji, kao i kod svih vojski, bili tajni, posebno kraljevih, tematski sadržaji su morali biti što dublje proučavani, sa uzimanjem u obzir i brojnih, naizgled, sitnih detalja, i primeniti skoro sve osnovne metode istraživanja a od operativnih najviše kvantitativna analiza sadržaja sa opširnim kodeksom, da bi se što bolje saznali stvarni interesi i ciljevi, razlikovale fiktivne od stvarnih radnji i dr. Iznošenje rezultata istraživanja je problemsko – hronološki, s tim da je prvo izneta spoljna politika, jer je tada vojska bila, prvenstveno, sredstvo za odbranu od spoljnih napadača i za ostvarivanje spoljnopolitičkih ciljeva Srbije, na prvom mestu: oslobođenje i ujedinjenje srpskog naroda. Rezultati istraživanja uloge ministara vojnih u spoljnoj politici bili su glavni sadržaji konteksta za iznošenje njihovih uloga u unutrašnjoj i vojnoj politici, koje su date u dva osnovna poglavlja (trećem i četvrtom). Kako se srpskom narodu u Staroj Srbiji i Makedoniji dešavalo i fizičko istrebljenje, država Srbija je počela da direktnije pomaže privatnu inicijativu da se tamošnji samoorganizovani Srbi i vojno opremaju i pomažu slanjem dobrovoljaca, novčane i druge materijalne pomoći, uglavnom oružja i municije. Prvi rukovodilac te delatnosti (srpske četničke akcije) bio je prvi ministar vojni od vremena Majskog prevrata Jovan Atanacković, koji je bio i prenosilac tajnog državnog rada iz vremena prethodne dinastije. Atanacković, kao najstariji vojni