Koristeći se podatcima za 29 zemalja iz devete runde Europskoga društvenog istraživanja, ovaj rad istražuje međugeneracijske promjene u tranziciji u odraslu dob u Europi. Fokus je na ključnim ...životnim događajima koji obilježavaju tranziciju u odraslu dob; u radu se odvojeno prema spolu analiziraju međugeneracijske promjene i razlike među europskim regijama u ulasku na tržište rada, napuštanju roditeljskog doma, prvom suživotu s partner(ic)om, sklapanju prvog braka i prvom roditeljstvu. Rezultati pokazuju da se tranzicija u odraslu dob različito odvijala za tihu generaciju (rođene između 1928. i 1945.), baby boomere (rođene između 1946. i 1964.), generaciju X (rođene između 1965. i 1980.) i milenijalce (rođene između 1981. i 1996.), a međugeneracijske promjene u tranziciji u odraslu dob odvijale su se drukčijim intenzitetom u sedam analiziranih europskih regija. Prvo roditeljstvo povezano je s drugim životnim događajima koji obilježavaju tranziciju u odraslu dob, a suživot s partner(ic)om i ulazak u brak pritom se ističu kao najjači prediktori za prvo roditeljstvo. Povezanost drugih životnih događaja u sklopu tranzicije u odraslu dob s prvim roditeljstvom varira među generacijama i među europskim regijama. Nalazi upućuju na važnost socioekonomskih, institucionalnih i normativnih čimbenika u objašnjavanju drukčijih putanja u sklopu tranzicije u odraslu dob. K tome, uključivši u analizu i bivše socijalističke zemlje koje su rijetko bile dio sličnih prijašnjih istraživanja, ovaj rad pridonosi spoznajama o validnosti primijenjenih teorijskih paradigmi o tranziciji mladih u odraslu dob u širem europskom makrokontekstu, a da istodobno ukazuje i na kompleksnost istih u svjetlu njihovih razlika među različitim europskim regijama.
The Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) is a multidisci¬plinary and cross-national panel database of microdata on health, socio-economic status and social and family networks of ...about 140,000 individuals aged 50 or older. SHARE covers 27 European countries and Israel. It is a research infrastructure that the European Commission has positioned as one of the priority projects in the Euro¬pean Research Area and one of the most significant panel studies in social sciences. This paper aims to present the methodological profile of the SHARE study with a specific reference to the period since 2015 when Croatia joined it. It also examines the process of SHARE study implementation in Croatia with a detailed presentation of modules and questions from the questionnaires in the sixth and seventh waves. The specific purpose of this paper is to emphasise the content and research opportunities of the SHARE study for the Croatian scholarly community. This paper highlights the specific aspects of the eighth wave of SHARE in which face-to-face interviewing has been suspended due to the coronavirus pandemic, and a methodological turn has been made, i.e. face-to-face interviews have been replaced with a short CATI (telephone) survey called “SHARE Corona.”As a panel study, SHARE collects data in waves, every two years since 2004, sup¬ported by CAPI (computer-assisted personal interviewing). A SHARE interview is quite long, with an approximate duration of one hour. Same respondents are inter¬viewed in regular waves, but new respondents can be added to refresher samples. New respondents help to maintain the core sample and deal with sample attrition. However, SHARE invests significant efforts in recovering panel respondents who have participated in the previous waves. The strategy to minimise the absence of panel respondents includes regular contact with respondents, i.e. panel care (send¬ing birthday cards, season’s greetings, brochures with selected SHARE results to re¬spondents or providing incentives). The SHARE study relies on ex-ante harmonisa¬tion and includes a core survey instrument that is common in all member countries. Strict comparability is crucial. Comparability is ascertained through identical ques¬tion design, a careful translation process with external certification, an electronic survey instrument (CAPI, CASE CTRL starting from Wave 8), and common training procedures ascertained by a train-the-trainer programme. In addition to the variety of electronic instruments, SHARE relies on several “physical” survey instruments, which are mainly used to obtain objective health measures. These instruments in¬clude dynamometers (to measure respondents’ grip strength) and peak flow me¬ters (to measure respondents’ lung capacity). Besides, SHARE collects data from the walking speed test and chair stand test, data on waist circumference, self-reported weight and height, and biomarkers from a sample of dried blood spots (HbA1c, total cholesterol, C-reactive protein and vitamin D).In the participating SHARE countries, the institutional conditions with respect to sampling are so different that a uniform sampling design for the entire project is infeasible. Good sampling frames for the target population of 50+ individuals and households with at least one 50+ individual do not exist or cannot be used in all countries. Most countries keep registers of individuals that enable stratification by age. In some of them, these registers are maintained at a regional level. In these cases, a two- or multi-stage design is needed, in which regions are sampled first, and then individuals are selected within these regions. As a result, sampling designs used vary from a simple random selection of households to rather complicated multi-stage de¬signs. Taking into account the size of the population in each participating country, SHARE calculates weights to reduce the potential selection bias associated with non-response errors. In the Croatian wave six, the sampling of potential respondents was based on probabilities from the administrative register of age-appropriate individu¬als. From the database of insured persons of the Croatian Health Insurance Fund (HZZO), 4,990 persons born in 1963 and earlier were randomly selected. Each person received an invitation letter for participation in the SHARE study in Croatia. The response rate in SHARE wave six was 43.7% at the household level, while the indi¬vidual response rate was 41.9%. These rates resulted in 2,495 individual surveys con¬ducted in 1,588 households in Croatia. In all countries that had refresher samples, the response rate was 51.3% at the household level and 46.8% at the individual level. The seventh SHARE wave, called SHARELIFE, was mainly retrospective, accomplishing a full EU coverage. As a part of the seventh wave, a relatively small refresher sample was selected in Croatia i.e. 346 interviews were conducted in 234 households. The minimum satisfactory response rate of 30% was achieved at the household level. In Croatia, the retention rate of respondents in the seventh wave was 84.6%, which was the highest retention rate of respondents between waves six and seven. In Slovenia, it was 82.9%, in Greece 82.8%, in Estonia 82.2%, in Belgium 70.4%, in France 64.9%, and in Italy 62%. That retention rate in Croatia resulted in 2,062 SHARELIFE inter¬views with an additional 101 end-of-life interviews (interviews about the last year of life of a deceased respondent). The sampling procedure for the refresher sample in wave eight in Croatia followed the standard phases of two-stage sampling. Primary sampling units were polling stations selected based on a probability proportional to the number of voters aged 50+ at each polling station. The sample was stratified by counties and by settlement size. In the second phase, the gross sample of individuals aged 50 or older was selected randomly. The representativeness of the sample was achieved by weighting a set of eight calibration variables (men and women in age groups 50–59, 60–69, 70–79, and 80+).Following the spread of the coronavirus pandemic across Europe, in March 2020, all SHARE countries suspended field surveys. By that date, 1,279 panel interviews (including end-of-life interviews) and 835 refresher interviews had been collected in Croatia. In response to the pandemic, the SHARE Central, in cooperation with national teams, created the SHARE Corona questionnaire, designed for a computer-assisted telephone interview (CATI), lasting about 20–25 minutes. This survey, con¬ducted in 27 European countries and Israel from June to August 2020, included panel respondents only.The SHARE study is a prime example of a truly European research infrastructure that exists largely because of its European dimension. It is crucial to point out that the data collected by the survey questionnaire are harmonised ex-ante across Europe, which significantly contributes to the improvement of international comparative re¬search. The main value of this project lies with the diversity of collected data, with each participating country contributing to this diversity with data on living condi¬tions, health, pension and social policies. Therefore, SHARE is much more than just a group of national surveys. The SHARE study today faces a number of challenges, the most prominent ones being the retention of European coverage due to lack of fund¬ing and the future method of surveying in the light of COVID-19. In Croatia, joining the SHARE study was marked by significant challenges. Firstly, SHARE is the first longitudinal study on demographic ageing conducted in our country. Secondly, the SHARE survey requires ample financial resources, so the size of the Croatian sam¬ple had to be adjusted accordingly and to meet high scientific standards set by the SHARE study. The third significant challenge that the SHARE research team faced were barriers to accessing the sampling framework. Substantial efforts were under¬taken to demonstrate that the SHARE study adheres to all ethical standards and regulations related to the protection of the personal data of respondents. Another is¬sue was the limited number of survey agencies in Croatia that can conduct demand¬ing surveys of this type. This was especially evident in the sixth wave, when certain logistical issues arose because the fieldwork phase started quite late (end of June 2015), leading to the stagnation of surveys in some parts of the country (Dalmatia, Istria). Difficulties related to the recruitment of interviewers and their withdrawal in the early stages of the survey required significant efforts during the last month of the fieldwork. However, experiences from the sixth wave contributed to the extremely successful implementation of the seventh wave (SHARELIFE).
The impact of migration on fertility is becoming an increasingly common research theme within the framework of population studies. Numerous demographic and geographical studies have found lower ...fertility in urban than in rural areas, both in developing and developed countries. Structural and contextual factors most often explain this difference. Structural factors refer to people of dissimilar socio-economic characteristics living in different areas, while contextual factors cover the current living conditions in the broadest sense. However, when explaining the urban–rural fertility differences, the selectivity of migration should also be considered, as people who (currently) have no fertility plans prefer to move to large cities.
Most studies that measured fertility levels by migrant characteristics have relied on period fertility rates, while only a few have investigated cohort fertility. This study explores the cohort fertility of females by migrant status in the City of Zagreb, the largest urban centre in Croatia. Therefore, the aim is to better understand the relationship between completed fertility and migration in an urban context.
Within a country, areas with the lowest fertility are often capital cities with highly educated and highly mobile populations. Although the fertility of international mi¬grants attracts more attention than internal migration, studying the association between fertility and both types of migration is especially important in a capital city with relatively high rates of inward migration. How much is known about the repro¬ductive behaviour of inward migrants in Zagreb? Are there significant differences between their fertility patterns and the patterns of native women? This paper fills this gap in the Croatian demographic literature by comparing fertility differences by migrant status across cohorts.
The analysis is based on the 2011 Census data for the City of Zagreb. The Central Bureau of Statistics created a multidimensional table based on the data from this census, which includes the following variables for the female population of the City of Zagreb aged 15 or over: year of birth, number of liveborn children, highest completed education and place of birth. For analytical purposes, the data were aggregated into eight five-year cohorts, with the oldest cohort born in 1930–1934 and the youngest in 1965–1969.
Fertility is measured as the completed number of liveborn children per woman, which corresponds to the cohort fertility rate (CFR). The calculations are based on the standard analytical procedures used in cohort fertility analysis with census data or reproductive histories from surveys. Women are classified into four categories by migrant type: born in the City of Zagreb (native population), born in another city or another municipality in the Republic of Croatia (internal migrants), born in Bosnia and Herzegovina (external migrants – B&H), born abroad other than Bosnia and Herzegovina (external migrants – others).
The 2011 census data on the number of live births are retrospective and based on the census question asking for the number of children a woman has ever had, including children who were no longer alive at the time of the census. The analysis is restricted to women born from 1930 (aged 80–81 at the time of the census) to 1969 (aged 41–42 at the time of the census), as younger women may have (more) children, while the fertility of women over 80 may be biased due to mortality and non-reporting of deceased children.
The analysis has shown significant differences in cohort fertility in the City of Zagreb by women’s place of birth. In all cohorts, the lowest completed fertility was achieved by women who were born in the City of Zagreb and (most likely) had no migration experience. In older cohorts, the highest fertility was recorded among women born in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In younger cohorts, fertility was highest for women born in other countries abroad. The substantial difference in completed fertility between older cohorts born in Bosnia and Herzegovina and those born in the City of Zagreb is not surprising, given that considerable differences in cohort fertility were observed between the equivalent cohorts in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The comparison between cohort fertility rates in the City of Zagreb and Croatia shows that the cohort fertility rate in the City of Zagreb is about 0.25 (in younger cohorts) and about 0.5 (in older cohorts) lower than in Croatia as a whole. The completed fertility of Zagreb-born women and those born elsewhere in Croatia slowly grew from older to younger cohorts (except for the youngest one). A similar trend, with some fluctuations, was observed for cohort fertility of women born abroad other than Bosnia and Herzegovina. On the other hand, completed fertility for the cohorts born in Bosnia and Herzegovina shows the opposite intercohort trend, with a noticeable decline from the oldest to the youngest cohorts. Nevertheless, the overall cohort fertility trend is equal to that for the cohorts born in the City of Zagreb and the cohort of in-migrants from other cities/municipalities in Croatia.
The share of childless women in the analysed City of Zagreb cohorts ranged from 11% to 15%, except for the youngest cohort (19%). The proportion of women who had only one child decreased from a relatively high 38% in the oldest cohort to 22– 23% in the cohorts born during the 1960s. The share of women of low parity (parities 0 and 1) decreased over time. While they represented a clear majority in the cohorts born in the 1930s, they account for below 40% in those born from 1945 to 1964. In these cohorts, in the City of Zagreb, the model of two-children families was prevalent, which is not surprising as in most post-socialist countries, having two children was a standard at the time.
Women born in Bosnia and Herzegovina had lower childlessness rates than the other three categories. Women from the native cohort, especially older ones, have a relatively high proportion of parity 1, while among women born in Bosnia and Herzegovina, parity 1 is relatively low. There were no major differences in parity 2 among the analysed cohorts, with a slightly higher proportion of the two-children norm among women born in Croatia and somewhat lower in cohorts born abroad. This is expected because approximately half of the women born in the City of Zagreb in older cohorts no longer participated in reproduction after the first birth.
On the other hand, women with higher parities (3 and 4+) dominate among women born in Bosnia and Herzegovina in older cohorts and among women born elsewhere abroad in the youngest cohorts. This is due to their relatively high progression to the third child (parity progression ratio 2→3 rose from 0.45 to 0.6). Interestingly, younger cohorts of women born in the City of Zagreb and the rest of Croatia are more represented in higher parities than the older cohorts. A possible explanation lies in the potentially disproportionately more significant impact of the second generation of the immigrant population whose parents were born abroad, but we should not ig¬nore numerous other economic, institutional and cultural factors of migrant fertility.
In the City of Zagreb, the number and share of women with primary education has decreased, while the number and share of women with secondary and higher levels of education has increased. However, cohort fertility for all three educational groups has increased over time, with a slight decline in the youngest cohort among women with medium and high education. Probably due to the previous selectivity among the highly educated, the oldest cohort recorded a very low rate of completed fertility (about 1.1).
The analysis has shown that the reproductive behaviour of in-migrants in the City of Zagreb differs from that of the native female population, depending on the place of origin. The difference between internal migrant women is minor – on average less than 0.1 children, with a convergence in the cohort fertility of younger cohorts. At the same time, the cohort fertility of women born abroad is significantly higher than of women born in Zagreb, on average by one child in older cohorts of women born in Bosnia and Herzegovina and by 0.5 children in younger cohorts born in other countries. Moving to the largest city in the country is apparently associated with lower fertility due to adaptation to high competition in the sphere of economic life on the one hand, and low urban reproductive norms on the other. The role of selective migration and the fact that individuals and couples who do not plan to have children disproportionately move to the largest urban centres should not be ignored either.
Ovaj rad istražuje povezanost migracije i fertiliteta u Gradu Zagrebu. Na temelju podataka popisa stanovništva iz 2011. i uz primjenu kohortnog pristupa analizi fertiliteta ispituju se kohorte žena ...koje su rođene između 1930. i 1969. s obzirom na četiri kategorije mjesta rođenja (rođene: u Gradu Zagrebu, negdje drugdje u Hrvatskoj, u Bosni i Hercegovini, negdje drugdje u inozemstvu). Svrha je rada istražiti reproduktivne obrasce doseljenica u Gradu Zagrebu te ispitati postoje li značajne razlike između njihovih obrazaca fertiliteta i obrazaca domorodnih žena. Rezultati su pokazali da se stopa kohortnog fertiliteta doseljenica u Grad Zagreb razlikuje od završenog fertiliteta kod domorodne populacije ovisno o tome odakle su se doselile. Razlika između domorodne ženske populacije Grada Zagreba i doseljenica iz ostalih krajeva Hrvatske vrlo je mala, a značajna je ako se usporedba provodi sa ženama rođenim u inozemstvu. Velike razlike u kohortnom fertilitetu između žena rođenih u Bosni i Hercegovini i onih rođenih u Gradu Zagrebu vjerojatno su djelomično uvjetovane prisilnim (ratnim) migracijama onih žena koje u mirnodopskim uvjetima ne bi migrirale. One su svoje primarne reproduktivne godine provele u Bosni i Hercegovini, gdje su zbog drugačijih ekonomskih i kulturoloških okolnosti ostvarile viši fertilitet. To upućuje na zaključak o posebnom utjecaju ratnih i kulturoloških čimbenika u zemljama podrijetla na promatrane generacije Zagrepčanki.
This paper combines SHARE Corona Survey and SHARE Wave 7 data for 25 European countries and Israel (
N
= 40,919) with institutional and epidemic-related country characteristics to investigate ...healthcare access for Europeans aged 50+ during the outbreak of COVID-19. We use a micro–macro approach to examine whether and to what extent barriers to accessing healthcare measured by reported unmet healthcare needs vary within and between countries. We consider various aspects of barriers and distinguish among: (1) respondents who forewent medical treatment because they were afraid of becoming infected with the Coronavirus; (2) respondents who had pre-scheduled medical appointments postponed by health providers due to the outbreak; and (3) respondents who tried to arrange a medical appointment but were denied one. Limited access to healthcare during the initial outbreak was more common for the occupationally active, women, the more educated and those living in urban areas. A bad economic situation, poor overall health and higher healthcare utilisation were robust predictors of unmet healthcare. People aged 50+ in countries of ‘Old’ Europe, countries with higher universal health coverage and stricter containment and closure policies were more likely to have medical services postponed. Policymakers should address the healthcare needs of older people with chronic health conditions and a poor socio-economic status who were made more vulnerable by this pandemic. In the aftermath of the health crisis, public health systems might experience a great revival in healthcare demand, a challenge that should be mitigated by careful planning and provision of healthcare services.
Ovaj rad ispituje u kojoj je mjeri razina obrazovanja žena
povezana s njihovim demografskim ponašanjem, prije svega s
dobi rađanja prvoga djeteta i brojem djece. Svrha je rada ispitati
postoji li i ...koliko je značajna razlika u dobi rađanja prvoga
djeteta između žena s različitim stupnjevima obrazovanja. Isto
tako, ispituje se koliko povećani obrazovni status djeluje na
kvantum fertiliteta. U radu su multinomna logistička regresija i
druge statističke tehnike primijenjene na proporcionalni kvotni
uzorak od 1309 zaposlenih žena od 20 do 39 godina iz
anketnog istraživanja provedenog 2007. godine u Hrvatskoj.
Rezultati su pokazali kako postoje razlike u fertilitetu među
ženama različite razine obrazovanja te da obrazovni status ima
važnu ulogu u određivanju vremena fertiliteta. Prilikom
oblikovanja mjera pronatalitetnih politika trebalo bi voditi računa
o tome da najveću razliku između željenoga i ostvarenoga broja
djece nalazimo kod visokoobrazovanih žena.
Koristeći se podatcima za 29 zemalja iz devete runde Europskoga društvenog istraživanja, ovaj rad istražuje međugeneracijske promjene u tranziciji u odraslu dob u Europi. Fokus je na ključnim ...životnim događajima koji obilježavaju tranziciju u odraslu dob; u radu se odvojeno prema spolu analiziraju međugeneracijske promjene i razlike među europskim regijama u ulasku na tržište rada, napuštanju roditeljskog doma, prvom suživotu s partner(ic)om, sklapanju prvog braka i prvom roditeljstvu. Rezultati pokazuju da se tranzicija u odraslu dob različito odvijala za tihu generaciju (rođene između 1928. i 1945.), baby boomere (rođene između 1946. i 1964.), generaciju X (rođene između 1965. i 1980.) i milenijalce (rođene između 1981. i 1996.), a međugeneracijske promjene u tranziciji u odraslu dob odvijale su se drukčijim intenzitetom u sedam analiziranih europskih regija. Prvo roditeljstvo povezano je s drugim životnim događajima koji obilježavaju tranziciju u odraslu dob, a suživot s partner(ic)om i ulazak u brak pritom se ističu kao najjači prediktori za prvo roditeljstvo. Povezanost drugih životnih događaja u sklopu tranzicije u odraslu dob s prvim roditeljstvom varira među generacijama i među europskim regijama. Nalazi upućuju na važnost socioekonomskih, institucionalnih i normativnih čimbenika u objašnjavanju drukčijih putanja u sklopu tranzicije u odraslu dob. K tome, uključivši u analizu i bivše socijalističke zemlje koje su rijetko bile dio sličnih prijašnjih istraživanja, ovaj rad pridonosi spoznajama o validnosti primijenjenih teorijskih paradigmi o tranziciji mladih u odraslu dob u širem europskom makrokontekstu, a da istodobno ukazuje i na kompleksnost istih u svjetlu njihovih razlika među različitim europskim regijama.
Using data for 29 countries from round 9 of the European Social Survey, this study investigates generational differences in transitioning to adulthood in Europe. We focus on major life events that make up the transition to adulthood; we describe separately by gender how the patterns of entering the labour market, leaving the parental home, entering a first cohabitation, first marriage formation and becoming a parent differ across generations and European regions. The results show that the patterns of transition to adulthood differ between the Silent Generation (born between 1928 and 1945), Baby Boomers (born between 1946 and 1964), Generation X (born between 1965 and 1980) and Millennials (born between 1981 and 1996), and that the cross-generational differences in the transition to adulthood vary across the seven European regions considered. First parenthood is associated with other life events within the transition to adulthood, while cohabitation and marriage are the strongest predictors of having a first child. The relationship between first parenthood and other life events that mark the transition to adulthood varies across generations and European regions. The findings point to the importance of socioeconomic, institutional, and normative factors in explaining the different pathways to adulthood. Furthermore, our inclusion of former socialist countries into the analysis, which was rarely done in previous research, contributes to the understanding of the validity of theoretical paradigms on the transition of youth to adulthood in a wider European macro-context. At the same time, the study also reveals the complexities of these transitions in light of their differences across European regions.
Rad istražuje unutarnju mobilnost stanovništva u Hrvatskoj iz perspektive životnoga ciklusa. U nedostatku kohortnih podataka o unutarnjoj migraciji primjenom metoda tablice doživljenja omogućena je ...procjena cjeloživotne prostorne pokretljivosti stanovništva. Ishod je očekivana migracija, odnosno prosječni očekivani broj preseljenja za pojedinca tijekom njegova životnog vijeka (uz uvažavanje djelovanja mortaliteta). Za izračun očekivane migracije upotrijebljeni su popisni podaci o stanovništvu koje je promijenilo mjesto stanovanja od 1. travnja 2010. do 31. ožujka 2011. Rezultati provedene analize pokazuju sljedeće: žene u Hrvatskoj prostorno su pokretljivije od muškaraca, a to vrijedi i kad se u obzir uzmu spolne razlike u mortalitetu; očekivana migracija s dobi postupno pada, no distribucija preseljenja neujednačena je tijekom životnoga ciklusa. Najveća sklonost unutarnjoj mobilnosti bilježi se, nimalo iznenađujuće, kod mladoga odraslog stanovništva, što potvrđuju i procjene modelskoga dobnog profila unutarnjih migranata u Hrvatskoj. Vrhunac intenziteta unutarnje migracije javlja se tijekom dvadesetih godina života. Istovremeno, unutarnja mobilnost stanovništva u Hrvatskoj komparativno je jako niska, što se, između ostaloga, može pripisati načinu rješavanja stambenoga pitanja, ekonomskim i društvenim prilikama. Pri interpretaciji istraživačkih nalaza izloženih u ovome radu valja imati na umu da se očekivana migracija temelji na presječnim podacima i iskustvu sintetičke kohorte. Riječ je o pokazatelju koji se odnosi na prosječne vrijednosti, zbog čega može prikrivati važne informacije o varijacijama u migracijskome ponašanju. Bez obzira na spomenuto ograničenje očekivana migracija predstavlja lako razumljivu i praktičnu mjeru koja omogućuje detaljno sagledavanje vremenskoga rasporeda prostorne pokretljivosti i tako nadopunjuje postojeće spoznaje o unutarnjoj mobilnosti stanovništva u Hrvatskoj.
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