ABSTRACT
In October 2005, the predominately Arab‐immigrant suburbs of Paris, Lyon, Lille and other French cities erupted in riots by socially alienated teenagers, many of them second‐ or ...third‐generation immigrants. For many French observers, it was a painful reminder that France's immigration policy had, quite bluntly, failed. The grand French ideal of égalité, the equality of all citizens of the Republic, itself a by‐product of France's colonial past, demonstrated its incompatibility with twenty‐first century reality.
The French immigration experience is markedly different than those of other European countries, as France's is tainted by colonial history, republican idealism, a rigidly centralized government structure, and deep‐seeded traditions of xenophobia. Indeed, the nineteenth century French policy of the mission civilicatrice (civilizing mission) still influences French policy toward its immigrants today: rather than accept cultural differences, the French government demands that all its citizens adhere to a rigid and exclusive “French” identity.
As such, the children of the generation of immigrants that the French government actively brought to France to fuel its post‐war expansion now find themselves unemployed and socially marginalized. Government social structures meant to ease the disparity between social classes, such as public housing and education, generally do more to aggravate problems than to solve them; public housing is woefully inadequate and the education structure institutionalizes the poor quality of schools in immigrant communities. Despite this generally poor outlook, the French have recently made some progress toward better integration of their immigrant communities, though these efforts are generally met with wide‐spread demagogic and populist opposition.
LES ÉMEUTES D'OCTOBRE EN FRANCE: ÉCHEC DE LA POLITIQUE D'IMMIGRATION OU L'EMPIRE CONTRE‐ATTAQUE?
En octobre 2005, dans les banlieues de Paris, Lyon, Lille et d'autres villes françaises, oú prédominent les immigrés arabes, des émeutes ont éclaté, menées par des adolescents socialement aliénés, dont beaucoup étaient des immigrés de deuxième ou troisième génération. Pour nombre d'observateurs français, ces événements ont douloureusement confirmé que la politique d'immigration de la France était un échec cuisant. Le magnifique idéal français d'égalité de tous les citoyens de la République, lui‐même un sous‐produit du passé colonial de la France, se révélait décidément incompatible avec la réalité du 21e siècle.
En matière d'immigration, l'expérience de la France est sensiblement différente de celle des autres pays européens, la France étant marquée par une histoire coloniale, un idéalisme républicain, une structure gouvernementale rigidement centralisée et une tradition de xénophobie profondément ancrée. D'ailleurs, l'approche française de la mission civilisatrice, qui avait cours au 19e siècle, continue d'influencer la politique de la France à l'égard de ses immigrés: plutôt que d'accepter les différences culturelles, le Gouvernement français exige que tous les citoyens adhèrent à une identité « française » à la fois rigide et exclusive.
Les enfants des immigrés que le Gouvernement français avait fait venir en France pour soutenir son expansion d'après‐guerre se retrouvent maintenant au chômage et socialement marginalisés. Les structures sociales gouvernementales destinées à atténuer les disparités entre classes sociales, notamment le logement social et l'enseignement, font souvent plus pour aggraver les problèmes que pour les résoudre. Les logements sociaux sont cruellement insuffisants et le système d'enseignement institutionnalise la mauvaise qualité des établissements scolaires fréquentés par les communautés d'immigrés. Malgré ces perspectives généralement médiocres, les Français ont fait des progrès dans le sens d'une meilleure intégration de ces communautés, bien que ces efforts se heurtent généralement à une importante opposition teintée de démagogie et de populisme.
LAS REVUELTAS DE OCTUBRE EN FRANCIA: ¿UNA POLÍTICA DE INMIGRACIÓN ERRÓNEA O EL IMPERIO CONTRAATACA?
En octubre de 2005, los barrios donde predomina la inmigración árabe de París, Lyon, Lille y otras ciudades francesas fueron el escenario de revueltas de adolescentes socialmente alienados, muchos de ellos inmigrantes de segunda o tercera generación. Para muchos observadores franceses, fue un doloroso recordatorio de que, con bastante claridad, la política de inmigración de Francia había fracasado. El gran ideal francés de l'égalité, es decir, la igualdad de todos los ciudadanos de la República, consecuencia en sí misma del pasado colonial francés, demostró su incompatibilidad con la realidad del siglo XXI.
La experiencia de la inmigración francesa es muy distinta a la de otros países europeos, ya que Francia está marcada por su historia colonial, el idealismo republicano, una estructura gubernamental estrictamente centralizada y unas tradiciones arraigadas de xenofobia. Ciertamente, la política francesa del siglo XIX de la mission civilisatrice (misión civilizadora) influye aún hoy en la política francesa sobre inmigración: más que aceptar las diferencias culturales, el Gobierno francés exige que todos sus ciudadanos se adhieran a una identidad “francesa” rígida y exclusiva.
Los hijos de la generación de inmigrantes a los que el Gobierno francés alentó activamente a ir a Francia para impulsar la expansión de la postguerra se encuentran ahora sin trabajo y marginados de la sociedad. Las estructuras sociales del Estado, encaminadas a disminuir la disparidad entre clases sociales, tales como la vivienda y la educación públicas, contribuyen generalmente a agravar los problemas más que a solucionarlos: las viviendas públicas son lamentablemente inadecuadas y la estructura educativa institucionaliza la escasa calidad de las escuelas de las comunidades de inmigrantes. A pesar de este panorama en general poco prometedor, los franceses han logrado recientemente algunos progresos hacia una mejor integración de sus comunidades inmigrantes, aunque estos esfuerzos se encuentran a menudo con una oposición demagógica y populista ampliamente extendida.
The accumulation of the terpenes ginkgolides and bilobalide in Ginkgo biloba was reported in plants as well as in plant cell cultures. Several hundred plants cultivated under controlled conditions in ...the field have been analyzed for their terpene production over many years. Cross-pollination experiments were performed with mature trees and the terpene content of the progeny was analyzed. The age of the tree is the main factor influencing the terpene content of the leaves as the level always decreases dramatically between young and old trees. 80 cell culture strains have been established and ginkgolides analyzed by GC/MS. These cell cultures reveal very low amounts of terpenes (1 microgram g-1 D.W. or less). On the contrary, isolated in vitro root cultures accumulate terpenes at the same concentration as the young plant leaves (4 mg g-1 D.W.). Attempts to obtain rapid growing roots or even hairy-roots did not succeed but the possibility to transform Ginkgo cell strains has been demonstrated.
The bombings in Madrid (2004) and London (2005) and the murder of the Dutch filmmaker Theo van Gogh in 2004 alerted European governments to their susceptibility to terrorism perpetrated by ...unassimilated Muslim immigrants. Whether they had pursued multicultural immigration policies or regulated their immigrant communities closely, European countries began adopting stricter measures in the attempt to contain-if not transform-'radical' Islam. There appears to be a convergence toward a rigid model that includes highly-visible deportations, demonstrations of support for pro-government Muslim leaders, and infiltration of mosques and Muslim communities, as well as sponsoring or endorsing programs to train Euro-friendly imams. This study examines the development and diversity of such policies as they affect imams in various European countries with special reference to immigration policy, domestic surveillance and education programs in France, Britain and the Netherlands.
As the nation prepares to welcome and introduce an increasingly more diverse student population to higher education, many challenges must be addressed to ensure these young people's success - and ...consequently the future of our nation. A good number of these prospective college-bound students will be counted among TRIO's traditional target group. This article examines the role of private colleges and universities in contributing to the success of the TRIO target student population. The analysis focuses on how TRIO participation at private institutions affects student success in enrollment and persistence to baccalaureate degree attainment.
Recent studies have shown that LH secretion is pulsatile and that LH pulse characteristics are affected by the prevailing steroid environment in both male and female rats. In the present study, a ...cell perifusion system was used to examine the effects of testosterone (T) and 17 beta-estradiol (E) on LHRH-stimulated pulsatile LH secretion. T inhibited LH secretion, increasing the EC50 for LHRH, while E stimulated secretion, lowering the EC50. Steroid effects were independent of both LHRH pulse amplitude and frequency. E also affected the pattern of LH secretion by facilitating both LHRH self-priming and desensitization to LHRH. These results show that steroids can affect pulsatile LH secretion by actions exerted at the pituitary level and that steroids can induce both quantitative and qualitative changes in LH secretion in the presence of an invariant LHRH stimulus. These results help to elucidate the mechanisms underlying steroid feedback in vivo, since reduction in pituitary responsiveness to LHRH may play an important role in T feedback, while facilitation by E of both self-priming and desensitization may serve to increase the magnitude and shorten the duration of the proestrous LH surge.
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