In order for the democratic process to work properly, it is vital that the public pays attention to politics and signals its opinions and preferences back to its representatives; if this is not the ...case, representatives have less incentive to represent. This article deals with the question of whether and how the public responds to welfare policy change. The thermostatic model departs from the assumption that the public responds to policy change with negative feedback, in relation to its preferred level of policy. The empirical analysis tests this model on public responses following the implementation of a consumer's choice model in Swedish primary health care. Did the reform trigger a thermostatic response from the public, and how should this be interpreted? A contribution in relation to previous research is the inclusion of ideological orientation and proximity, variables which, I argue, condition the nature and direction of public responsiveness. The study was designed as a natural experiment in which preferences of privatization of health care were measured before and after the health care reform of 2009/2010. The results provide partial support for the thermostatic model: preferences for further privatization decrease after the reform, but primarily within one subgroup. Additionally, public responses are demonstrated to vary according to ideological orientation, where the right‐oriented react thermostatically and the left‐oriented do not. The article contributes to a further understanding of the relation between policymaking and public opinion and to the expansion of thermostatic theory.
How and when does welfare policy contribute to shape public opinion? This article departs from the policy feedback research tradition and seeks to contribute to the understanding of how policy ...influences public opinion (public responsiveness). The argument here suggests that personal experiences in terms of empowerment condition the dynamics between policy and opinion. The empirical case concerns the implementation of a consumer's choice model in Swedish primary health care, which resulted an intended increase in private health care centres. In this case, empowerment is assumed to be enhanced by increased exit options and freedom of choice. The specific question in the analysis is whether citizens who have empowering experiences, as a consequence of the reform, are more likely to be positive towards further privatization of welfare services. The results show few effects in general, but there seems to be a correlation between the experience of exiting and more positive attitudes towards privatization.
Does factual information matter for policy evaluations and attitudes? Previous research has provided different, and partly contradictive, replies to this question. To test the effect of concrete ...facts on attitudes, we provide findings from a survey web‐experiment concerning satisfaction with the universal sickness insurance. The treatments in the experiment are short facts from official reports on how the insurance actually work and is used. Our dependent variables are general satisfaction with how the insurance works, as well as trust for the responsible agency administering the insurance and more specified perceptions on capacity, precision, and fairness of the insurance. The results show that under certain circumstances, policy‐specific information does have an effect – even though the effects are not consistent. Effects of the information were mainly found on general evaluations of the sickness insurance rather than on specific attitudes. Furthermore, we conclude that, contrary to expectations, the effects were not conditional on left–right position, subjective knowledge, political interest, or proximity.
Sustainable water resource management is a core interest for all societies. As water systems are often common resources, the management of water systems requires coordinated action among actors along ...the water. For flowing water, a complication for coordination is upstream–downstream relations where what happens upstream affects downstream, but not the other way around. In this study we present results from a survey experiment with politicians in Sweden, focusing on whether and to what extent their willingness to cooperate is affected by their placement upstream or downstream along a fictive water system. Our findings indicate that politicians from upstream and downstream municipalities share the view that upstream politicians bear greater responsibility for undertaking preventive actions and are willing to assume remedial responsibility for problems caused by them. These results challenge the notion that self-interest is the primary obstacle to resolving environmental collective action problems.
Democratic responsiveness implies that politicians are expected to be responsive to public demands and needs but also that the public is expected to respond to actual policies and reforms by ...adjusting their demands. What is often over-looked is that policy-specific knowledge is imperative for public policy responsiveness to send correct signals. By using survey experiments, we tested the effects of policy-specific information on policy preferences for privatization of welfare services in Sweden. In line with the thermostatic model, we expected information on the increase of privatization to show negative correlations with demand for more privatization. The experiments showed that policy preferences changed in most policy areas when policy-specific facts were provided. The negative effects of information about privatization were most pronounced among centre-left respondents, increasing the left-right polarization. The results suggest that policy-specific knowledge can serve as a useful mechanism in order to meet the identified theoretical need to strengthen the causal relationship in theories of public responsiveness. The study adds important knowledge to how we understand public responsiveness, and highlight the need of "reality checks" when analysing policy demands.
Local policy-makers' incentives to address an issue is conditioned by how they perceive public attention. Our study focuses on drinking water management at the municipal level in Sweden. Provisioning ...and management of drinking water is a responsibility of the local governments. Interviews with local politicians and public administrators in seven municipalities reveal that local policy-makers think that citizens view provisioning of drinking water as a taken for granted service, and also lack knowledge of and interest in drinking water issues. Public attention is further seen as a double-edged sword since engagement in water issues often is a result of problems with water provision. The findings are discussed from a theoretical perspective of the role of agenda-setting in public policy. It is argued that the view of policy-makers of citizens as unengaged negatively affects the incentives to bring drinking water to a prominent place on the local policy agenda.
Drinking water provisioning can be approached as a paradigmatic case of transboundary risk management that requires government collaboration. In Sweden, as in most other countries, the provision of ...safe drinking water and the control of its quality is a responsibility of local governments. This explorative case study investigates how local level decision-makers (politicians and public administrators) identify and understand risks to drinking water services; how they construe governmental responsibility and collaboration between local governments. The empirical results show that decision-makers identify a number of systemically interrelated technical, natural and social risks; that responsibility is understood to be complex and fragmented and that they refrain from collaboration despite clear advantages in theory. Even if the payoff is high from a broad societal perspective for inter-municipal collaborative risk management of drinking water services, collaboration on the local level is low. Institutional uncertainties relating to the allocation of responsibility, transaction costs and political costs for individual municipalities may explain the reluctance to collaborate in this case.
A shift in dietary habits will be required to meet global climate targets. However, from a social dilemma perspective, major voluntary shifts in diet patterns are unlikely. Hence, government ...interventions are called for. This may be a perilous political endeavor, since food habits and choices are assumed to be personal and contentious matters and any food regulation policy risks stepping over the line for what people accept, risking policy legitimacy. In order to construct feasible policy measures, it is therefore important to gain knowledge of the prerequisites for support of climate food regulations and to understand why people accept or oppose regulations. The aim of this paper is to do so by analyzing the public debate concerning meat-free days in school canteens and a tax on meat in two public online social forums in Sweden. We seek to 1) map the arguments supporting (non)acceptability of the two food consumption regulation issues and 2) analyze what policy-specific and factual beliefs are reflected in the arguments and then detangle their meaning and content as revealed in the arguments. We find that policy-specific beliefs around freedom, fairness, and effectiveness are commonly used in support of or objection to these policies, but to different degrees, and often linked to factual beliefs about consequences for health or disadvantaged social groups. We conclude that the general reluctance of policy makers to interfere with what people eat is not necessarily well founded, and that better policy design, framing, and communication have the potential to increase policy support.
There is a long‐standing argument that citizensapos; trust in the state needs to be recurrently reproduced for policies to endure and that this also includes trust in its separate policy agencies. ...Such trust is likely to be more important for costlier policies, as, for example, social insurance schemes. The article explores whether short‐term changes in welfare programme generosity affect peopleapos;s trust in the agency implementing the programme. Using the example of early retirement in the encompassing welfare state of Sweden, we study a decade of significant reform (1999–2010), during which the inflow to early retirement diminished greatly, as did citizensapos; trust in the implementing Swedish Social Insurance Agency (SSIA). We conclude that citizensapos; trust is higher when implementation is more generous. Indeed, a third of the drop in citizensapos; trust in the SSIA over the period can be explained by declining levels of generosity in early retirement, with people politically to the left responding with lower trust. Theoretically, we suggest, first, that trust in implementing institutions can function as feedback to policy and, second, that there is a basic relationship between more generous policy outcome and higher trust in encompassing welfare states such as Sweden.
It is hardly an exaggeration to claim that one of the most turbulent political areas in recent years has been asylum policy, which has disclosed a rapidly increasing inflow of asylum seekers, and, in ...many countries, has been followed by fierce media discussion and political controversies. In Sweden, this development has been heated as the Swedish self‐image is one of providing generous policies, which is also reflected in terms of strong refugee policy. The article uses this example to explore assumptions about public responsiveness in previous policy feedback literature and to examine the link between citizens' attitudes towards immigration and changes in asylum policy output, measured as asylums granted, over time in the period 1990–2015. It focuses especially on the link through which citizens become aware of policy output, operationalized as media visualization, and find that including media reveals a suppressed relationship between policy output and public attitudes. The relationship is negative and thus confirms the assumptions of the thermostatic models. Second, the article shows that feedback is mediated by political orientation: People defining themselves politically as right‐oriented respond with negative feedback when the number of granted asylums increases, while left‐oriented people do not change their attitudes. Based on these findings it is concluded, first, that analyses of democratic responsiveness need to incorporate a clear measure of the link by which exogenous factors become visible. Second, the importance needs to be stressed of considering important cleavages in the population in order to display responsiveness processes fairly.
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