Making War and Building Peace examines how well United Nations peacekeeping missions work after civil war. Statistically analyzing all civil wars since 1945, the book compares peace processes that ...had UN involvement to those that didn't. Michael Doyle and Nicholas Sambanis argue that each mission must be designed to fit the conflict, with the right authority and adequate resources. UN missions can be effective by supporting new actors committed to the peace, building governing institutions, and monitoring and policing implementation of peace settlements.
Striking first Doyle, Michael W; Stephen Macedo
2008., 20110307, 2011, 2008, 2008-01-01, Letnik:
38
eBook
Does the United States have the right to defend itself by striking first, or must it wait until an attack is in progress? Is the Bush Doctrine of aggressive preventive action a justified and legal ...recourse against threats posed by terrorists and rogue states? Tackling one of the most controversial policy issues of the post-September 11 world, Michael Doyle argues that neither the Bush Doctrine nor customary international law is capable of adequately responding to the pressing security threats of our times. In Striking First, Doyle shows how the Bush Doctrine has consistently disregarded a vital distinction in international law between acts of preemption in the face of imminent threats and those of prevention in the face of the growing offensive capability of an enemy. Taking a close look at the Iraq war, the 1998 attack against al Qaeda in Afghanistan, and the Cuban Missile Crisis, among other conflicts, he contends that international law must rely more completely on United Nations Charter procedures and develop clearer standards for dealing with lethal but not immediate threats.
This systematic review and meta-analysis of 17 open-label studies published to 2017 found that daily HIV pre-exposure prophylaxis use among men who have sex with men is associated with increased ...sexually transmitted infection diagnoses and an increase in condomless sex.
Abstract
Background
Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) is effective in reducing HIV risk in men who have sex with men (MSM). However, concerns remain that risk compensation in PrEP users may lead to decreased condom use and increased incidence of sexually transmitted infections (STIs). We assessed the impact of PrEP on sexual risk outcomes in MSM.
Methods
We conducted a systematic review of open-label studies published to August 2017 that reported sexual risk outcomes in the context of daily oral PrEP use in HIV-negative MSM and transgender women. Pooled effect estimates were calculated using random-effects meta-analysis, and a qualitative review and risk of bias assessment were performed.
Results
Sixteen observational studies and 1 open-label trial met selection criteria. Eight studies with a total of 4388 participants reported STI prevalence, and 13 studies with a total of 5008 participants reported change in condom use. Pre-exposure prophylaxis use was associated with a significant increase in rectal chlamydia (odds ratio OR, 1.59; 95% confidence interval CI, 1.19-2.13) and an increase in any STI diagnosis (OR, 1.24; 95% CI, .99-1.54). The association of PrEP use with STI diagnoses was stronger in later studies. Most studies showed evidence of an increase in condomless sex among PrEP users.
Conclusion
Findings highlight the importance of efforts to minimize STIs among PrEP users and their sexual partners. Monitoring of risk compensation among MSM in the context of PrEP scale-up is needed to assess the impact of PrEP on the sexual health of MSM and to inform preventive strategies.
Responsibility sharing was a central commitment in the 2016 New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants (annex 1, para 1). It was also a key commitment in the preamble to the landmark 1951 Refugee ...Convention, in which countries of first asylum are promised that their providing refuge will be met by 'international cooperation', without specifying its content. Yet, just as the 1951 Refugee Convention failed to define what international cooperation meant, so, too, the New York Declaration was long on principles but short on specific commitments.
Immanuel Kant's views on politics, peace, and history have lost none of their relevance since their publication more than two centuries ago. This volume contains a comprehensive collection of Kant's ...writings on international relations theory and political philosophy, superbly translated and accompanied by stimulating essays.Pauline Kleingeld provides a lucid introduction to the main themes of the volume, and three essays by distinguished contributors follow: Jeremy Waldron on Kant's theory of the state; Michael W. Doyle on the implications of Kant's political theory for his theory of international relations; and Allen W. Wood on Kant's philosophical approach to history and its current relevance.
Three Pillars of the Liberal Peace DOYLE, MICHAEL W.
The American political science review,
08/2005, Letnik:
99, Številka:
3
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Sebastian Rosato (2003) finds the logic of the “democratic peace” flawed in his “The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory,” and he cites my work and other studies as examples of the flawed logic. ...Some of the logic he describes is flawed, and it may characterize some of the literature in the wide field of “democratic peace,” but it is not the logic underlying the core of liberal peace theory. Indeed, the persuasive core of the logic underlying the theory of liberal democratic peace is missing from Rosato's account. Republican representation, an ideological commitment to fundamental human rights, and transnational interdependence are the three pillars of the explanation. The logic underlying the peace among liberal states rests on a simple and straightforward proposition that connects those three causal mechanisms as they operate together and only together, and not separately as Sebastian Rosato claims.
International peacebuilding can improve the prospects that a civil war will be resolved. Although peacebuilding strategies must be designed to address particular conflicts, broad parameters that fit ...most conflicts can be identified. Strategies should address the local roots of hostility, the local capacities for change, and the (net) specific degree of international commitment available to assist sustainable peace. One can conceive of these as the three dimensions of a triangle whose area is the “political space”—or effective capacity—for building peace. We test these propositions with an extensive data set of 124 post–World War II civil wars and find that multilateral, United Nations peace operations make a positive difference. UN peacekeeping is positively correlated with democratization processes after civil war, and multilateral enforcement operations are usually successful in ending the violence. Our study provides broad guidelines for designing the appropriate peacebuilding strategy, given the mix of hostility, local capacities, and international capacities.
As a decentralized legal order, the international system arguably has no single constitution, but the closest candidate to a constitution that it does have is the UN Charter. Thus it is worth ...exploring how constitutional the Charter is in theory and practice. Sixty-plus years into its evolution we can see two dominant features. First, its key constitutional elements are: supranationality in its various forms; inequality; and, like all constitutions, an ‘invitation to struggle’ that leads to inevitable pushback from states when UN authority expands. Second, unlike in many domestic constitutions, the pushback more than holds its own. The UN has neither integrated its parts nor centralized authority. To illustrate those points, I start with a comparison of the UN Charter to both capital ‘C’ domestic constitutions and to ordinary treaties. I then address with a broad brush the main features of the UN’s supranationality and inequality. The Secretariat and its neutrality and independence are the next topics. I then consider two examples of tension between UN supranationality and sovereignty. I explore the trend toward ‘global legislation’ associated with the Security Council’s counter-terrorist resolutions, 1373 and 1540. I then focus on the example of the Millennium Development Goals, the UN’s recent attempt to remake itself as a development body. I conclude with a discussion of the wider constitutional significance and prospects of the UN in the light of the contrasting success of the history of US federalism and European integration.
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