In this paper, an argument is developed in favour of further integration of “Europe” and, most importantly, its increased “politicization”. It is not based on any romantic or idealistic vision of a ...positive European cultural identity, but on an assessment of Europe’s reality as already integrated economically, socially and ecologically, however lagging behind politically in terms of democratic government and citizenship. The seemingly endless discussions about Europe’s identity, limit, unity, civilization, etc. are not a problem that is yet to be solved, but are, precisely, the core of what makes Europe what it is: a plurality in unity instead of a “unity in plurality”, as one of the official slogans of the European Union (EU) has it. Current social, economic and environmental problems require European solutions as well as a more active European citizenship. However, European civil identity that is to match European societal reality, will not be a unitary and homogeneous identity, but heterogeneous and diverse, covering a plurality of perceptions, preferences and ideals – it will be plural, not as a first step towards unity, but in its core; and it will be divided, but not along national lines.
Japan, Russia, and Turkey are major examples of countries with different ethnic, religious, and cultural background that embarked on the path of modernization without having been colonized by a ...Western country. In all three cases, national consciousness has played a significant role in this context. The project of Modernity is obviously of European origin, but is it essentially European? Does modernization imply loss of a country's cultural or national identity? If so, what is the "fate" of the modernization process in these cases? The presence of the idea and reality of civil society can be considered a real marker of Modernity in this respect, because it presupposes the development of liberalism, individualism and human rights. But are these compatible with nationalism and with the idea of a national religion? These questions are the more pressing, as Japan is considered part of the Western world in many respects, and Russia and Turkey are defining their relation to the European Union in different ways. An investigation of these three countries, set off against more general reflections, sheds light on the possibilities or limitations of modernization n a non-European context.
Nach einer säkularen Periode im 20. Jahrhundert spielt Religion in der Politik wieder eine wichtige Rolle. Das Verhältnis von Politik und Religion und von Staat und Kirche ist komplex und ...asymmetrisch. Die Spannung zwischen beiden Dimensionen und Institutionen lässt sich immer nur vorläufig lösen. Ein Sonderfall dieses Spannungsverhältnisses kommt in Grundprinzipien der ostkirchlichen politischen Theologie wie Cäsaropapismus und symphonia zum Ausdruck. Aus orthodoxer Sicht sind diese Prinzipien Gegensätze, beide aber schließen Gesellschaft als unabhängigen dritten Bereich zwischen Staat und Kirche aus und stehen damit im Gegensatz zur westlichen Tradition. After a secularist period in the 20th century, religion is again playing an important role in politics. The relationship between politics and religion, state and church is complex and asymmetrical. The tension between the two dimensions and institutions can be disengaged only tentatively. A special case of this tense relationship is expressed in the basic principles of political theology in the Eastern church, such as Caesaropapism and Symphonia. From the Orthodox point of view, these principles are opposites, but they both exclude society as an independent third realm between state and church; therefore, they stand run counter to Western tradition.
In this paper, it is argued that rational considerations alone are insufficient for the
much-needed increase in the commitment of EU citizens to the polity that is theirs. The
coming-to-be of the ...European dèmos, instead of or in addition to the national political
communities will not only be a relief to the numerous national groups that do not “have”
a national state, but is also a condition for addressing the geopolitical, socio-economic,
and environmental problems that Europe is facing. Making use of the theoretical notions
of ‘the political’ (as distinct from politics), ‘matrie’ (as distinct from patrie), and
‘res publica’ (as distinct from national government), this paper explores the chances of
three major political passions, viz. fear, love, and hope.
Although topics in social and political philosophy might not be the first to associate with Mamardašvili, it is argued in this paper that key concepts in his thought, viz. the concepts of form, ...thought, and culture come together, in the 1980s in particular, in a notion of civil society that goes deeper than that of many of his contemporaries. The relevance of his philosophy at this point is intensified by the specific nature of Soviet philosophical culture, but, it is argued, extends well beyond that, fully justifying his honorary title of "Georgian Socrates".
This paper sketches the ambitious outlines of an assessment of the place of Russian philosophy in philosophical history ‘at large’, i.e. on a global and world-historical scale. At the same time, it ...indicates, rather modestly, a number of elements and aspects of such a project. A retrospective reflection and reconstruction is not only a recurrent phenomenon in philosophical culture (which, the author assumes, has become global), it also is, by virtue of its being a philosophical reflection, one among many possible perspectives. The central claim of the paper is that the key to an assessment of the world-historical place of Russian philosophy is to be found in the Soviet period, not only because it was, through its isolation policy and its subordination of philosophy to political and ideological goals, a determining factor for a large part of the 20th century, but also, and more importantly, because it has systematically distorted the perception of Russia’s philosophical history, including of the Soviet episode itself. The very undoing of these distortions, however, risks becoming a distortion because of, on the one hand, a demonization of the Soviet factor and, on the other hand, a disregard for its philosophical and meta-philosophical relevance.
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