The medical company at the front, Radivoje, the pharmacist, lies first on the right
Front
Sanitetska četa na frontu, Radivoje, apotekar, leži prvi s desna
Borci belokransjke partizanske skupine, ki je nastala v začetku aprila 1942 nad vasjo Popoviči, so v prvi polovici maja taborili v Kramaričevem gozdu na Županjem vrhu v bližini Dragomlje vasi. Po ...prihodu novih prostovoljcev iz Metlike, Gradca in iz Vinice je nastala nova Belokranjska četa. Komandir je bil Alojz Gračar – Mitja. 20.5. 1942 se je četa združila z 19-timi borci Gorjanskega bataljona in nastal je Belokranjski bataljon z dvema četama. Poleti je prerasel v Belokranjski odred. Zahodno od Dragomlje vasi je bila 13.5.1962 odkrita v skalo vzidana spominska plošča, ki je hkrati tudi zahvala prebivalcem Dragomlje vasi, ki je borce prehranjevala. Vir: Arhiv ZZB NOV Metlika
Na pokopališču v Bušinji vasi je spomenik osmim padlim borcem in štirinajstim žrtvam fašističnega nasilja iz Bušinje vasi in Malih Lešč; Hkrati sta tu pokopana Kolenc Anton iz Podturna in Tajčman ...Martin iz Čuril ter še štirje neznani borci. Spomenik je izdelan po zamisli Jureta Jakliča in odkrit avgusta 1967. Verze je napisal Jože Dular.Vir: Arhiv ZZB NOV Metlika
Constitutionally, Belgium represents the most extreme case of regional entities wielding power over EU external trade policymaking. Formally, the Flemish, Walloon and Brussels regions can wield veto ...power over Belgian positions. Yet, only once has a Belgian region actually made use of this capacity, when Wallonia temporarily blocked the conclusion of the EU trade agreement with Canada in 2016 (CETA). We show that political actors - legislative and executive - could only activate this constitutional possibility in conjunction with other necessary conditions: a high degree of societal mobilization and, above all, inter-party competition across different levels of government. As the Walloon Parti Socialiste seized the moment, it reinforced the paradox of weakness and strengthened the EU's trade bargaining power towards Canada. We finish by discussing the spill-over effects of the 2016 CETA episode into the shaping of future EU trade policies, as well as into future intra-Belgian EU policymaking.
This article examines how politicization has affected the ratification of the EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) in EU member states. The study is based on the conceptual ...framework of discursive postfunctionalism. This approach builds on postfunctionalist arguments about the constraining impact of politicization on national governments' EU-related policy making, but seeks to specify them further by examining mediating factors between political contestation and decisions of national policy makers. We test the explanatory power of discursive postfunctionalism by combining a comparative overview of CETA-related politicization and ratification patterns in all EU member states with in-depth case studies of five states that have seen particularly intense public contestation. Our research shows that politicization does not necessarily prevent the ratification of CETA; rather, its effects on policy making are mitigated by institutional provisions on the involvement of domestic institutions, the composition of government coalitions, and the discursive strategies of national governments.
According to Opinion 1/17, the ISDS mechanism contained in CETA is in conformity with the fundamental requirement of art. 20 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights that "everyone is equal before the ...law". The assessment rests on two assumptions. First, in the substantive sense, CETA does not afford a higher level of protection to Canadian investors than EU law affords to European investors. In this respect, investors of different origins are equals who are treated equally. Secondly, ISDS provides specific procedural rights to foreign investors, which cannot be invoked by domestic investors. According to the ECJ, Canadian investors are not legally obliged to have the same trust in the institutional system of the EU as domestic investors. In this respect, Canadian investors are different from European investors, thus it is justified to treat them differently. The Article shows that in addition to the Court's assessment of substantive and procedural aspects, art. 20 CFR can be constructed to contain a systemic requirement of unity. The paper identifies a looming conflict between EU law's autonomy and Law's unity that may explain why the Court chose not to engage in a more open-hearted attempt to identify the values inherent in art. 20 CFR. Due to its strong protection of the autonomy of EU law, the ECJ has em-braced what is in fact the main problem of the ISDS mechanism - its complete disentanglement from the legal order that it scrutinizes. In the absence of unity, autonomy's guarantor - "everyone" - is cut off.
Regional units have emerged as actors seeking to shape international trade policy. Focusing on federal systems in North America and Europe, this special issue explores the patterns, causes and ...implication of constituent units' participation in trade policy. This introductory article situates the case studies assembled in the special issue and outlines how they contribute to a nascent research agenda that brings together scholarship rooted in comparative federalism, regionalism and international political economy. The article distinguishes two basic patterns of involvement and discusses the relative weight of explanatory factors identified in the literature to explain how and with what consequences constituent units engage in the trade policy domain. The article concludes with a summary of key insights from the case studies and outlines their contribution for future research.
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