En esta investigación presentamos un proyecto digital que recopila la memoria de las personas que, o bien fueron víctimas, o bien sospechan haber sido víctimas de sustracciones de menores sucedidas ...en España desde la Guerra Civil, hasta principios de los años 90, más conocidas como la trama de los `bebés robados´. Para ello hemos recuperado la metodología de la historia oral ya que como señala Vilanova (1998), las fuentes orales pueden ayudar a la exploración de los silencios mayoritarios y explicar el porqué eso ocurre. La recuperación de la memoria de los afectados ha ido acompañada de los estudios históricos en un diálogo permanente entre memoria e historia. La participación de las asociaciones de recuperación de la memoria histórica ha sido clave para su realización.
Using a rich variety of sources such as official newsreels,
school textbooks, the work of contemporary historians, memoirs,
official documents, legislation, and monuments, this book explores
how the ...historical memory of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939)
influenced the transition to democracy in Spain after Franco's
death in 1975. The author traces the development of official
discourse on the War throughout the Franco period and describes the
régime's attempts to achieve political legitimacy. Although there
was no universal consensus regarding the events of the Civil War,
general agreement did exist concerning the main lesson which should
be drawn from it: never again should Spaniards become embroiled in
a fratricidal conflict.
Spain is a notable exception to the implicit rules of late twentieth-century democratization: after the death of General Francisco Franco in 1975, the recovering nation began to consolidate democracy ...without enacting any of the mechanisms promoted by the international transitional justice movement. There were no political trials, no truth and reconciliation commissions, no formal attributions of blame, and no apologies. Instead, Spain's national parties negotiated the Pact of Forgetting, an agreement intended to place the bloody Spanish Civil War and the authoritarian excesses of the Franco dictatorship firmly in the past, not to be revisited even in conversation. Formalized by an amnesty law in 1977, this agreement defies the conventional wisdom that considers retribution and reconciliation vital to rebuilding a stable nation. Although not without its dark side, such as the silence imposed upon the victims of the Civil War and the dictatorship, the Pact of Forgetting allowed for the peaceful emergence of a democratic state, one with remarkable political stability and even a reputation as a trailblazer for the national rights and protections of minority groups.Omar G. Encarnación examines the factors in Spanish political history that made the Pact of Forgetting possible, tracing the challenges and consequences of sustaining the agreement until its dramatic reversal with the 2007 Law of Historical Memory. The combined forces of a collective will to avoid revisiting the traumas of a difficult and painful past and the reliance on the reformed political institutions of the old regime to anchor the democratic transition created a climate conducive to forgetting. At the same time, the political movement to forget encouraged the embrace of a new national identity as a modern and democratic European state. Demonstrating the surprising compatibility of forgetting and democracy,Democratization Without Justice in Spainoffers a crucial counterexample to the transitional justice movement. The refusal to confront and redress the past did not inhibit the rise of a successful democracy in Spain; on the contrary, by leaving the past behind, Spain chose not to repeat it.
Many writers, from Aristophanes to Joseph Heller, have written about politics. But at certain periods in history, often at times of conflict and turmoil, writers have consciously used their literary ...talents to support or oppose a specific cause. The 1930s, a decade of widespread social and political breakdown, was such a period. Today the Struggle examines the political involvement of those leading British writers who dedicated their talents to the defense of Nationalists or Loyalists during the Spanish Civil War and who saw that war as symbolic of their own Right-Left dialogue. Conservatives like William Butler Yeats and T. S. Eliot and Roman Catholics like Evelyn Waugh were passionately anti-Communist. They viewed fascism as a bulwark against communism but were unwilling to support the Franco cause actively. Other pro-Nationalists were not so hesitant: Roy Campbell and Wyndham Lewis were ardent participants in the fight against the British left wing. Pro-Loyalists, united only in their antifascism, ranged from conservative to anarchist in political commitment. Their literary contributions included fine poems by W. H. Auden and Stephen Spender, experimental drama by Auden and Christopher Isherwood, and impassioned prose by Rex Warner, George Orwell, and Aldous Huxley. Katharine Hoskins’s principal interest in Today the Struggle is to discover how and why certain writers supported specific political actions, to ascertain the effectiveness of their efforts, and to evaluate the influence of these efforts on their work.
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