Ein Bewusstsein von Gestaltungsfreiheiten gesellschaftlichen Fortschritts - das ist auch in der Zeit nach der Französischen Revolution im langen 19. Jahrhundert keine Selbstverständlichkeit. Felix ...Baumert zieht Alexis de Tocqueville, Karl Marx und Max Weber erstmals gemeinsam heran, um aus ihren verschiedenen Perspektiven zu zeigen, wie sich auch in der modernen Welt einschränkende Möglichkeitsräume oder gar die Erstarrung von Gestaltungsfreiheiten ergeben können. Damit zeigt er die fundamentale Bedeutung von Politik in der Moderne auf, und zwar als notwendiges Instrument der Bewusstwerdung sowie der Absicherung von Gestaltungsfreiheiten.
Ein Bewusstsein von Gestaltungsfreiheiten gesellschaftlichen Fortschritts - das ist auch in der Zeit nach der Französischen Revolution im langen 19. Jahrhundert keine Selbstverständlichkeit. Felix ...Baumert zieht Alexis de Tocqueville, Karl Marx und Max Weber erstmals gemeinsam heran, um aus ihren verschiedenen Perspektiven zu zeigen, wie sich auch in der modernen Welt einschränkende Möglichkeitsräume oder gar die Erstarrung von Gestaltungsfreiheiten ergeben können. Damit zeigt er die fundamentale Bedeutung von Politik in der Moderne auf, und zwar als notwendiges Instrument der Bewusstwerdung sowie der Absicherung von Gestaltungsfreiheiten.
Purpose and originality: The purpose of this study is to highlight the potential risks for democracy in Europe by focusing on the views of two prominent political theorists and politicians relating ...to one of the most dramatic turning points in modern European history. Method: In the study historical, comparative and nalytical research method is used. I also tried to combine chronological and thematic approaches. Results: From the experience of the French Revolution, two basic types of modern political outlook have been developed: progressive and conservative. Edmund Burke and Alexis de Tocqueville are also included in these basic types. Despite several distinct views and different attitudes to the French Revolution, Burke and Tocqueville agreed in their analyses of some of the causes of this Revolution. Some of their views are unacceptable from the perspective of today's democratic society. But Burke still appeals to us especially by emphasizing the responsibility of our generation for future generations and Tocqueville can motivate us especially by the fact that he was a strong proponent of liberty and he staked his life on liberty. Based on the political and historical examination of the views of these two prominent political theorists and politicians, we can point out that the democratic order can be legitimate only when the basic principles and values of democracy are balanced and mutually respect their limits. The tension between the principles of freedom and equality must be counterbalanced by the principles of solidarity and justice. The effort to exaggerate one of these principles and to subordinate the others to it interrupts and endangers the overall goal. Society: The results should raise awareness about the risks that threaten democracy. The study also points out that there is a narrow link between political freedom and responsibility. Limitations/ further research: Research will continue to focus on the views of other major political theorists who have influenced political thought in Europe since the French Revolution, which will require wider teamwork at the international level.
Iain McGilchrist richly explains the right and left hemispheres of the brain, how each functions and what each tends to do. This paper serves, firstly, as a primer to McGilchrist’s fascinating ...exposition. Second, it offers a formulation that uses a spiral to structure the iterative and layered relationship. Third, it presents McGilchrist’s concerns about how modernity has enfeebled the right hemisphere, and how the left hemisphere is, at it were, running amok. Fourth, it considers some of McGilchrist’s political overtones. Sharing McGilchrist’s concerns, finally, I elaborate why they might lead us to look to classical liberalism as the best way to avoid the traps of the left hemisphere, to invigorate the health of the right hemisphere, and to cope with modernity.
The Religion of Humanity has typically been associated with Auguste Comte's positivism. Within liberal philosophical debate, John Stuart Mill's measured advocacy for it has received some attention, ...especially given his otherwise well-known emphasis on the tension between religion and liberty. Yet Alexis de Tocqueville's perceptive awareness of the Religion of Humanity as an evolving phenomenon, expressed through his discussion of democratic poetry, remained largely unnoticed. Of course, Tocqueville's essential religio-political task was to promote a modified version of Christianity and buttress the standing of religious morality as an outside barrier against human action motivated by democratic materialism, notwithstanding the secular doctrine of self-interest well understood. Indeed, despite the neutral tone of Tocqueville's discussion of democratic poetry, elsewhere his critique of democratic pantheism, writers and orators, theatre, and historians warned against excessive veneration of humanity, which amounted to a sublimation of the dogma of the sovereignty of the people.
This essay reexamines the famous 1831 prison tours of Alexis de Tocqueville and Gustave de Beaumont. It reads the three texts that emerged from their collective research practice as a trilogy, one ...conventionally read in different disciplinary homes (Democracy in America in political science, On the Penitentiary in criminology, and Marie, Or Slavery: A Novel of jacksonian America in literature). I argue that in marginalizing the trilogy's important critique of slavery and punishment, scholars have overemphasized the centrality of free institutions and ignored the unfree institutions that also anchor American political life. The article urges scholars in political theory and political science to attend to this formative moment in mass incarceration and carcerai democracy.
TOCQUEVILLE Y EL POPULISMO Aguilar Rivera, José Antonio
Nóesis (Ciudad Juárez, Mexico),
06/2019, Letnik:
28, Številka:
55 SI
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Este trabajo analiza la perspectiva de Alexis de Tocqueville sobre el populismo en dos momentos y lugares específicos: su viaje a América a principios de la década de 1830--el cual coincidió con la ...presidencia de Andrew Jackson-- y la revolución de 1848 en Francia--que el autor recuenta en sus Souvenirs--. Discutir la relación entre Alexis de Tocqueville y el populismo se antoja anacrónico. Sin embargo, los componentes centrales del populismo--como la apelación directa al pueblo, el líder carismático, la polarización ideológica que lleva a dividir el mundo entre amigos y enemigos, etc.--le eran conocidos a Tocqueville y a sus contemporáneos. En términos generales, la política populista contemporánea sería probablemente reconocida por los hombres del siglo antepasado como una peculiar forma de demagogia. ¿Cómo se enfrentó Tocqueville al fenómeno de la política demagógica en su tiempo? Podemos adivinar con cierta facilidad que su posición frente a los demagogos fue crítica. Sin embargo, podemos preguntarnos sobre las razones de esa oposición y sobre el entendimiento que Tocqueville tenía del liderazgo, los fundamentos y las consecuencias de lo que hoy podríamos reconocer como populismo.
This paper explores Alexis de Tocqueville's thought on fiscal political economy as a forerunner of the modern school of preference falsification and rational irrationality in economic decision ...making. A good part of the literature has misrepresented Tocqueville as an unconditional optimist regarding the future of fiscal moderation under democracy. Yet, although he initially shared the cautious optimism of most classical economists with respect to taxes under extended suffrage, Tocqueville's view turned more pessimistic in the second volume of his Democracy in America. Universal enfranchisement and democratic governments would lead to higher taxes, more intense income redistribution and government control. Under democracy, the continuous search for unconditional equality would eventually jeopardise liberty and economic growth.
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