En este texto se analizan las relaciones del Partido Socialista de Uruguay (PSU) con la Internacional Socialista (IS) desde 1951 hasta 1999. La IS es la organización que agrupa a partidos ...socialistas, socialdemócratas y laboristas de todo el mundo y el PSU es uno de los más antiguos e importantes partidos socialistas de América Latina. Para facilitar el análisis y la presentación de hechos ocurridos en un lapso de tiempo tan prolongado, el trabajo se divide en tres partes. La primera transcurre desde el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial hasta la primera ruptura del PS con la IS en 1963. La segunda parte comienza en 1963 y se mantiene hasta 1976, cuando la IS abandona el periodo de crisis y decadencia que vivía. El tercer momento (1976-1999) comienza con la presidencia de Willy Brandt en la IS y finaliza con la reincorporación del PSU a la IS. Finalmente, se realiza una síntesis para señalar algunas tendencias y ofrecer conclusiones generales. Keywords: Socialdemocracia, Internacional Socialista, Uruguay, Socialismo uruguayo, Frugoni
The article sheds light on the significant and understudied bond between West German Chancellor and Nobel Peace Laureate Willy Brandt and Spanish President Felipe González. It is based on interviews ...with senior policy makers; archival material from the Ebert Foundation in Bonn; fresh material from Austria, Spain, Sweden, Portugal and the United States, and exclusive additional private papers. Drawing on these sources, the article identifies the three key political-intellectual pillars – democracy, social democracy and internationalism – that sustained their special ‘father–son’ relationship and discusses their shared desire to project their brand of socialism across Europe and the world. In doing so, it also sheds light on how personal guidance, assistance and exchange, linked with institutional support, contributed to the expansion of democracy and social democracy in the late Cold War.
Among postwar political leaders, West German Chancellor Willy Brandt played one of the most significant roles in reconciling Germans with other Europeans and in creating the international framework ...that enabled peaceful reunification in 1990. Based on extensive archival research, this book provides a comprehensive analysis of Brandt's Ostpolitik from its inception until the end of the Cold War through the lens of reconciliation. Here, Benedikt Schoenborn gives us a Brandt who passionately insisted on a gradual reduction of Cold War hostility and a lasting European peace, while remaining strategically and intellectually adaptable in a way that exemplified the 'imaginativeness of history'.
Purpose
This study aims to propose an approach towards reducing differences between national economies and living standards existing between the world’s wealthiest and least affluent nations.
...Design/methodology/approach
A systemic review identifies the impeding purpose as proposed above: an entirely new initiative.
Findings
The efforts recommended are vital for preserving the human species and ensuring the integrity of our planet. For both the future of the human species and the planet itself, it is essential to reduce the divide between wealthy and poor. Now is the time to give force to the types of implementation necessary to meet these combined goals.
Research limitations/implications
This essay avoids dissecting problems of current geopolitical and ideological character. Despite their sometimes contentious nature, they are often reduced by intelligent diplomacy.
Originality/value
The study proposes a holistic approach to bridging the North-South divide.
West Germany's record of dealing with National Socialism is often held up as a model to be emulated by states emerging out of war and mass crimes. This article traces the application of the German ...model to contemporary Serbia, as represented by the two tropes of "Nuremberg" (justice) and "Willy Brandt's Kniefall" (apology). It argues that both events were divorced from their own historical circumstances and presented as contemporaneous elements of a model that set unrealistic normative benchmarks when applied to the Serbian national context. Placing Germany's process of postwar memory construction in a historical and comparative light, rather than viewing it as an ideal-typical model to be emulated, provides a more productive way of analyzing the complexities of national memory processes in post-conflict states.
« Relations normales au caractère particulier » aux yeux du chancelier Willy Brandt en 1973, les relations germano-israéliennes « ne seront jamais normales », estime toujours Shimon Pérès en 1995. ...Dans les années 1980-1990 marquées par le long règne du chrétien-démocrate Helmut Kohl et deux gouvernements à dominante social-démocrate, elles sont principalement marquées par la continuité : les liens étroits et particuliers, « entre morale et Realpolitik » (Y. Jelinek), sont dominés par le passé et l’engagement (ouest-) allemand en faveur de la sécurité d’Israël. La RFA n’en demeure pas moins soucieuse de préserver les relations germano-arabes, en particulier germano-palestiniennes. Après ces deux décennies, l’accession de la RFA à une plus grande souveraineté, l’éloignement du passé nazi, les bouleversements géopolitiques mondiaux et régionaux suscitent, un temps, la volonté en Allemagne de redéfinir, diversifier et, en un sens, normaliser ses relations au Moyen-Orient. Mais le blocage du processus de paix et un impératif de mémoire plus important que jamais, fréquemment rappelé par la partie israélienne, imposent un retour, in fine , au statu quo ante .
...in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the policy toward Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union preoccupied West German politicians and diplomats. ...Bonn's diplomacy centered around the Arab world. Some ...contacts, such as the exchange of intelligence information and weapon sales, were therefore kept secret from the outside world. ...the West German administration always went to great lengths to strike a balance between their relationship with Israel and the rest of the Middle East. After the Six-Day War in 1967, Israel had emerged as a regional power, but increasingly faced isolation and international criticism because of the Palestinian refugee crisis and the occupation regime.
Der „Friedenskanzler“ Willy Brandt ist mit seiner Ostpolitik bis heute Teil des kollektiven Gedächtnisses – in seinem Schatten steht der „Frontstadtbürgermeister“, der West-Berlin entschlossen ...gegenüber der Bedrohung aus dem Osten verteidigte. Vor dem Hintergrund einer antikommunistisch imprägnierten politischen Kultur war der Regierende Bürgermeister zu Beginn der Zweiten Berlin-Krise (1958–1963) zur international beachteten Symbolfigur des West-Berliner „Freiheitskampfs“ aufgestiegen. Nach dem Mauerbau verfinsterte sich dessen öffentliches Bild zeitweise zum „Festungskommandanten“ und Kalten Krieger. Im Windschatten von Kennedys Entspannungskurs versuchte der „deutsche Kennedy“ Brandt, dieses Zerrbild abzulegen – und wandelte sich zum lautstarken Verfechter einer „Friedenspolitik“. Das Buch zeichnet Brandts Weg vom „Freiheitskämpfer“ zum „Friedenspolitiker“ nach und zeigt, dass Image beides sein kann: Symbolisches Kapital im politischen Wettbewerb wie belastende Hypothek.
The main aim of this article is to present the genesis, instruments and real influence of the concept of the realistic détente policy of the German Minister of Foreign Affairs Hans-Dietrich Genscher ...on the foreign policy of the German federal government in the years 1974-1989. The author formulates a thesis that Genscher’s concept had very significant influence on the program activities of the FDP as well as on the practical foreign policy of the SPD/FDP governments (1974-1982) and CDU/CSU/FDP governments (1982-1989), whereby the year 1985 was an important turning point in this evolution.
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