Notre article s'intéresse à la façon dont les syndicats se saisissent des technologies numériques d'information et de communication (TNIC) pour expérimenter de nouvelles pratiques de démocratie ...représentative, participative et délibérative au sein de leur organisation. Il s'appuie sur le plan théorique de l'approche expérimentaliste et la littérature sur la démocratie numérique. Il repose sur la réalisation d'entretiens semi-dirigés auprès des responsables des communications de treize organisations syndicales au Québec. Nos résultats de recherche font ressortir que les TNIC ne remplacent pas les pratiques traditionnelles, mais se superposent aux anciennes pratiques. Ils mettent aussi en lumière les limites de ces expérimentations qui ne sont pas liées aux caractéristiques intrinsèques des technologies, mais bien à la façon dont les acteurs syndicaux les mobilisent et les utilisent. Mots-clés: Syndicats; expérimentation; démocratie syndicale; démocratie numérique; médias sociaux. Notre article s'intéresse à la façon dont les syndicats se saisissent des technologies numériques d'information et de communication (TNIC) pour expérimenter de nouvelles pratiques démocratiques au sein de leur organisation. Il vise à comprendre comment ces expérimentations façonnent les manières de faire et de penser de la démocratie représentative, participative et délibérative. Notre approche théorique s'inspire de l'approche expérimentaliste et des travaux sur la démocratie digitale. Sur le plan empirique, notre article repose sur la réalisation d'entretiens semi-dirigés auprès des responsables des communications de treize organisations syndicales au Québec et analyse comment ces responsables utilisent et mobilisent les TNIC pour améliorer l'efficacité des pratiques démocratiques, pour accroître l'étendue et l'intensité de la participation et de la mobilisation collective et pour mieux agréger les intérêts et les préoccupations des différentes parties prenantes. Alors que des travaux précédents sur la démocratie digitale avaient formulé l'hypothèse d'une horizontalisation des pratiques démocratiques sous l'effet des TNIC, nos résultats soulignent que les TNIC peuvent s'avérer une source de revitalisation de la démocratie représentative en fluidifiant notamment les processus de communication interne. Elles semblent également contribuer au renouvellement des pratiques de démocratie participative et délibérative, à la fois comme levier de mobilisation, mais aussi comme outil de cadrage et de diffusion du discours syndical. En revanche, nos résultats font ressortir les limites importantes des effets de l'intégration de ces TNIC qui, pour l'heure, n'amène pas à une transformation radicale du fonctionnement démocratique des syndicats. Les expérimentations menées pour créer des espaces de délibération pour les personnes sans-voix, notamment les jeunes, les femmes et les minorités visibles, restent rarissimes. En ce sens, les TNIC sont rarement utilisées pour agréger les intérêts des groupes marginalisés et sous-représentés. Pourtant, la revitalisation de la démocratie syndicale passe avant tout par l'inclusion de ces personnes sans-voix dans les processus de délibération et de participation. This article is about the way unions are using digital information and communication technologies (DICTs) for experiments in new practices of representative, participatory and deliberative democracy within their organizations. We rely here on the theory of the experimentalist approach and the literature on digital democracy. Semi-structured interviews were carried out with the communications managers of thirteen union organizations in Quebec. Our research findings show that DICTs are not replacing traditional practices but are instead being superimposed on older practices. Our findings also highlight the limits to such experiments, these limits being due not to the intrinsic characteristics of DICTs but to the way these technologies are mobilized and used by actors in the union movement. This article is about the way unions are using digital information and communication technologies (DICTs) for experiments in new democratic practices within their organizations. The aim is to understand how such experimenting is shaping the ways of carrying out and imagining representative, participatory and deliberative democracy. Our theoretical approach is inspired by the experimentalist approach and by work on digital democracy. On the empirical level, our article is based on semi-structured interviews with the communications managers of thirteen union organizations in Quebec and on analysis of how these managers use and mobilize DICTs with a view to improving the effectiveness of democratic practices, increasing the extent and intensity of collective participation and mobilization and better aggregating the interests and concerns of different stakeholders. Whereas preceding studies of digital democracy put forward the hypothesis of DICTs causing a horizontalization of democratic practices, our results show that DICTs may be revitalizing representative democracy, notably by improving the flow of internal communication processes. These technologies also seem to be contributing to renewal of participatory and deliberative democratic practices, not only as a lever for mobilization but also as a tool for channelling and disseminating union discourse. On the other hand, our results reveal significant limits to the integrative effects of these DICTs, which for the time being are not radically transforming the democratic functioning of unions. Little has been done to try and provide the voiceless-notably young people, women and visible minorities-with spaces for deliberation. In that sense, DICTs are seldom used to aggregate the interests of marginalized, underrepresented groups. To revitalize union democracy, one should first include such voiceless people in the processes of deliberation and participation. Keywords: unions; experimentation; union democracy; digital democracy; social media.
Este artigo objetiva estabelecer uma confluência entre o desenvolvimento da tecnologia blockchain e a evolução dos processos democráticos. Resultados: apesar das promessas de transparência e ...audibilidade que os sistemas de votação eletrônicos parecem oferecer, parcimônia e amadurecimento tecnológico são requisitos necessários para se construir uma democracia eletrônica embasada em tecnologia de cadeias de blocos. Metodologia: método de procedimento hipotético-dedutivo, de abordagem qualitativa e técnica de pesquisa bibliográfico-documental. Palavras-chave: Blockchain--Democracia Eletrônica--Eleições. This article aims to establish a confluence between the development of blockchain technology and the evolution of democratic processes. Results: despite the promises of transparency and audibility that electronic voting systems seem to offer, parsimony and technological maturity are necessary requirements to build an electronic democracy based on blockchain technology. Methodology: hypothetical-deductive procedure method, with a qualitative approach and a bibliographic-documentary research technique. Keywords: Blockchain--Electronic Democracy--Elections.
This paper investigates how citizens’ uncertainty in e-government services can be managed. First, we draw from uncertainty reduction theory, and propose that transparency and trust are two key means ...of reducing citizens’ uncertainty in e-government services. Second, we identify two key sets of relevant drivers of e-government service use: (1) information quality characteristics, i.e., accuracy and completeness; and (2) channel characteristics, i.e., convenience and personalization. We propose that the means of uncertainty reduction, information quality characteristics, and channel characteristics are interrelated factors that jointly influence citizens’ intentions to use e-government. We tested our model with 4,430 Hong Kong citizens’ reactions to two e-government services: government websites and online appointment booking. Our results show that the information quality and channel characteristics predict citizens’ intentions to use e-government. Furthermore, transparency and trust mediate as well as moderate the effects of information quality and channel characteristics on intentions. A follow-up survey found that citizens’ intentions predict use and ultimately, citizens’ satisfaction.
Recognized as a tool with significant implications in the social order, social networks represent the electronic interface for the exchange of information on topics and common interests between ...governments and citizens. The purpose of this article is to analyze how social networks contribute to political and administrative processes through the diversity of roles with functional potential in the sphere of citizen mobilization and involvement. The objective is to investigate how social networks facilitate interaction and involvement between politics, administration and citizens, how public organizations use these tools and for what purposes. The applied methodology is summarized in the literature review, and to support our claims regarding the importance of social networks in political and administrative processes, we present official statistical data. We conclude with the need to address issues such as intergovernmental relations, the influence of social networks and the role of citizens, without neglecting the associated risks. Keywords: e-government, social networks, e-interface, e-participation, employment.
The Problem of the «Sovereign Internet» in Russia Stepanov, Sergey A.; Ivanova, Ekaterina A.
Vestnik Rossijskogo universiteta družby narodov. Seriâ: Gosudarstvennoe i municipalʹnoe upravlenie (Online),
09/2023, Letnik:
10, Številka:
2
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
The article is devoted to the problem of sovereignty of the Russian segment of the global Internet. The hypothesis of the study is that the Russian government intends to take control of the ...dissemination of information via the Internet, but this intention runs counter to the economic interests and objectives of the modernization of the country based on modern technologies. In this regard, the actions of the Russian authorities in this area are contradictory and half-hearted. Attempts to control the information space, social networks and video blogs are increasingly on the agenda in many states. At the dawn of its existence, the Russian segment of the Internet was practically free from censorship and from any interference from the state in general. Each user was free to express his personal opinion without fear of censorship. It should be recognized that complete freedom has not always been for the good. There were websites on the Runet that freely spread neo-Nazi, chauvinistic, xenophobic views. As the confl with the West deepened, the idea of protecting the Runet from hostile ideological infl following the example of China, was increasingly discussed in Russian government circles. Currently, the Runet, despite increased censorship, is still an integral part of the Internet. The fi part of the article is devoted to the analysis and comparison of the degree of control of social networks in diff countries and come to logical conclusions.
La democracia electrónica (e-democracia), al ser motivo de clasificaciones, modalidades y tipologías, ha provocado varios problemas que pueden sintetizarse en el dilema general: ¿la versión ...electrónica de la democracia implica la transición hacia un régimen que supere los déficits gubernamentales, o los regímenes democráticos aprovecharán los aportes electrónicos para complementar la constitución de sus estructuras y el funcionamiento de sus instituciones, pero solo perpetuarán su estado y estructura actual? Establecer los dilemas de ambas partes, con una revisión histórica y una tipología de los modelos de e-democracia, es el objetivo de este análisis. Los resultados alcanzan argumentos para disolver los dilemas y aportar criterios para una taxonomía que explica las mutuas influencias entre las TIC y las demandas de la democracia.
Este artículo trata de la comunicación que los Tribunales de Cuentas (TC) y los Ministerios Públicos (MP) brasileños promueven en las redes sociales Facebook, Twitter e Instagram, desde la apertura ...de sus cuentas. Innova en la discusión acerca de los controles democráticos sobre la administración pública en la llamada "democracia digital", mostrando que los controladores también deben preocuparse por su transparencia y rendición de cuentas. Habiendo comprobado que mantienen departamentos de comunicación profesional que operan intensamente en las redes sociales, con énfasis en el Tribunal de Cuentas de la Unión (TCU) y el Ministerio Público Federal (MPF) en Twitter, el artículo analiza específicamente el contenido de la comunicación entre las dos instituciones en esta red con la ayuda del software Iramuteq. Tanto el TCU como el MPF mantuvieron sus intensas actividades de publicación de contenidos varios en Twitter desde la apertura de sus cuentas y en momentos importantes de la historia política reciente. La pregunta que guía el trabajo es: ¿expandir los canales de comunicación significa necesariamente una mayor accountability? Lo que se encontró es que, al presentarse más a la sociedad a través de los medios digitales, estos organismos de control no respondían necesariamente a los requerimientos de rendición pública de cuentas presentes en la teoría democrática. Palabras clave: comunicación de instituciones públicas; teoría democrática; control; transparencia; análisis de contenido. This article deals with the communication of Brazilian Courts of Accounts and Prosecution Services on social media platforms Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, since the opening of their accounts. The study innovates in the discussion about democratic controls over public administration in the so-called "digital democracy," focusing on institutional communication of Courts of Accounts and Prosecution Services, showing that controllers also need to be concerned about their transparency and accountability. Having verified that they maintain professional communication departments that operate intensively on social media, with emphasis on the Federal Court of Accounts (TCU) and the Federal Prosecution Service (MPF) on Twitter, the article specifically analyzes the content of the two institutions' communication in this platform by using the Iramuteq software. Both TCU and MPF kept posting a variety of content on Twitter since first opening their accounts and at important moments in recent political history. The research question addressed was: Does expanding communication channels necessarily mean greater accountability? The study found that these institutions, when communicating with society on social media, did not necessarily respond to the public accountability requirements that democratic theory implies. Keywords: communication of public institutions; democratic theory; control; transparency; content analysis. Este artigo trata da comunicação que os Tribunais de Contas (TCs) e os Ministérios Públicos (MPs) brasileiros promovem nas redes sociais Facebook, Twitter e Instagram, desde a abertura de suas contas. Inova na discussão a respeito do controle democrático sobre a administração pública com foco na chamada "democracia digital", mostrando que os controladores também precisam se preocupar com a transparência e responsabilização nesses espaços. Tendo verificado que os TCs e os MPs mantêm departamentos profissionais de comunicação que operam intensamente nas redes sociais, com destaque para o TC da União (TCU) e o MP Federal (MPF) no Twitter, este trabalho analisa, de forma específica, o conteúdo da comunicação das duas instituições nessa rede, com a ajuda do software Iramuteq. Tanto o TCU como o MPF mantiveram intensa atividade de postagem de conteúdos diversos no Twitter, desde a abertura de suas contas e em momentos importantes da história política recente. A pergunta que orienta o trabalho é: ampliar os canais de comunicação significa necessariamente maior accountability? O que se constatou é que, ao se apresentar mais à sociedade pelos meios digitais, esses órgãos de controle não necessariamente responderam aos requisitos de responsabilização pública presentes na teoria democrática. Palavras-chave: comunicação de instituições públicas; teoria democrática; controle; transparência; análise de conteúdo.
•Future orientation and adaptability to change of the governments reduce tax evasion.•As a realization of long-term vision, governments' absorption of and response to technological changes mitigate ...tax evasion.•Developing a legal framework for digital business models such as online banking and e-commerce diminishes tax evasion.•The provision of online information and services by the government to its citizens alleviates tax evasion.•ICT adoption by society and citizens moderates the association between e-government initiatives and tax evasion positively.
Drawing on modernization and institutional theories, this study tests the association between the digitalization of government services and tax evasion via the moderation effect of information and communication technologies (ICTs). The study's sample covers the years between 2006 and 2017 and contains 1677 country-year observations. The results of fixed effect analysis indicate that the six proxies for governments’ long-term vision and the digitalization of government services all play a significant role in alleviating tax evasion. Moreover, ICT adoption by society and citizens positively moderates the association between the digitalization of government services and tax evasion; that is, the digitalization of government services has a stronger effect on mitigating tax evasion in countries where ICT adoption is higher. The study suggests several implications for leveraging ICT in public service delivery, which may help countries reduce tax evasion and increase tax revenue. Specifically, public authorities should improve e-government structures and e-filing systems to facilitate taxpayers’ income tax declarations and payments.
PDF
