In August 1942, five transports were sent to the concentration camp Auschwitz-Birkenau from the territory of the Independent State of Croatia (ISC), with approximately 5,000 Jews. One of them was ...sent from Vinkovci with circa 1,000 Jews. It left the territory of the ISC on 19 August, and arrived in Auschwitz on 22 August. The transport has been only partially researched, mostly regarding victims from the Serbian part of the Syrmia region, without taking into account the complete picture, and with various omissions and mistakes. Documents scattered in numerous archival and other heritage institutions, many of them unknown to research communities in Croatia and Serbia, compared with statistical data for inhabitants of the settlements included in the analysis, reveal what was going on with Jewish communities not only in the wider region of Syrmia (Srijem), nowadays in Croatia and Serbia, but also in Bijeljina in Bosnia and Herzegovina, from where Jews were also incorporated into that transport. The analysis includes not only Jews who were sent to Auschwitz via the detention camp in Vinkovci, where they were kept during July and August 1942 (Jews from Vukovar, Županja, Ruma, Sremska Mitrovica, Bijeljina, Ilok, Šid, maybe some from Stara Pazova), but also those who were sent to the concentration camps in Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška from May to August 1942 (Jews from Vinkovci and Zemun, most of the Jews from Stara Pazova, maybe/probably some of those from Ilok and Šid). The paper also includes a review of the destiny of Syrmian and Bijeljina’s Jews during 1941 and in the earlier period of 1942. The Holocaust was almost complete in those areas in August 1942. The only exemption was granted to Jews in mixed marriages and their children, those employed in medical services, and individuals who were exempt on some other basis. Most of them perished in the next wave of deportations in May 1943. The results of the research give a clearer picture of the flow of Holocaust in that part of the territory of the ISC and can be used for the correction and supplementation of the data about victims, not only of the individuals who perished in Auschwitz, registered in the death books from the camp or confirmed as victims of that camp by other sources, but also of those who perished in the concentration camps Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška. Regarding the Croatian part of Syrmia, some new results refer to the victims from Vukovar and Ilok who perished in Auschwitz but were previously linked to the Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška camps. Some of the victims, e.g. those from Županja, were not registered at all, and were mostly deported to Auschwitz. The data for Jews from Vinkovci and Zemun, almost all of whom perished in Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška from May to July 1942, can also be updated from the transfer lists of the Ustasha Surveillance Service (Ustaška nadzorna Služba, UNS) used in this research.
In this article, I discuss how memorial museums in Hungary, Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina reference trends set by the US Holocaust Memorial Museum and Yad Vashem. Museums, which have tried to prove ...their Europe-fitness in the course of EU accession talks by highlighting the Holocaust, and those, which have sidelined the Holocaust to prevent its memorialization from competing with that of communist crimes, both incorporate elements from "western" Holocaust memorial museums, indicating how universalized Holocaust remembrance has become. I argue that these museological trends have also "travelled" to museums dedicated to the post-Yugoslav wars. In the last part I analyze how the Museum of Crimes Against Humanity and Genocide in Sarajevo and the Srebrenica-Potočari Memorial Center reference trends stemming from Holocaust memorial museums.
Politički proces približavanja Hrvata i Srba započeo je, preko jugoslavenske ideje, u drugoj polovici 19. stoljeća. U tom procesu predstavili smo dva lika, đakovačkoga biskupa Strossmayera i srpskoga ...ministra Garašanina, s posve različitim političkim koncepcijama. Kod Strossmayera možemo govoriti o ideji jugoslavenstva dok kod Garašanina nije postojala ideja o zajednici jugoslavenskih naroda, nego obnavljanje i proširenje srednjovjekovne Srbije. Političko približavanje osobito je bilo pojačano za vrijeme Prvoga svjetskog rata djelovanjem Jugoslavenskoga odbora. U zajedničku državu ušlo je nekoliko naroda s različitom kulturnom i političkom prošlošću te s različitim vjeroispovijestima. Ustaški ekstremizam i nepomirljivost Srba u Hrvatskoj, rušenjem Kraljevine Jugoslavije i stvaranjem NDH, donijeli su velike zločine. U tim sukobima mnogi su nevini Srbi izgubili živote. Kao što je preuveličan ukupan broj stradalih osoba na prostoru Jugoslavije, tako je i preuveličan broj stradalih Srba u Jasenovcu. Srbin Kočović došao je broja od 487.000 poginulih Srba i to na tlu cijele Jugoslavije, a Hrvat Žerjavić do broja od 530.000. U svjetlu ovih podataka čini se apsurdnim broj V. Dedijera od 600.000 stradalih Srba samo u Jasenovcu. Prema popisu broja žrtava koncentracijskih logora iz 1964. godine, a koji je ostao u tajnosti do 1998. godine, u jasenovačkom logoru stradalo je 33.994 Srba. Ovaj broj otkriva stravičan zločin. Zar nije zločin povećati taj broj za 18 puta? Posljedice ovakvih manipulacija zacijelo su pridonijele srpskim zločinima u posljednjim ratovima na tlu bivše Jugoslavije.
In this article the authors discuss the role of Jasenovac Concentration Camp in Croatian and Serbian political and social spheres. Connecting the historical data with the analysis of the recent ...mutual accusations of genocide between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Serbia before the International Court of Justice in The Hague, the authors demonstrate the pervasive presence of Jasenovac in Serbian and Croatian political discourse. Presenting different modes of social construction around Jasenovac, from the end of the Second World War to the present, the article proposes a specific reading of Jasenovac as a form of the “past that does not pass.” In this respect, Jasenovac is seen as a continuous reference point for understanding collective losses and group suffering, both past and present, in Serbian and Croatian society. Although historically distanced by seventy years, the events surrounding Jasenovac are still constantly recurring in both political and private, official and unofficial, spheres of life, functioning as a specific symbol around which narratives of ethnic, national, and religious understanding as well as inter-group conflicts are thought and constructed. The role of political and social factors in the construction of frequently incompatible narratives is further underlined by the analysis of selected oral testimonies related to the war in Yugoslavia in 1990s.
The history of the Romani population from their settlement in medieval Europe until today was for the most part marked by periods of violent persecution, which often had the goal to completely ...assimilate them into the majority population of a certain area. Periods of peace and a certain form of peaceful coexistence with the majority population were rare, and the Romani population continued to “survive” on the socio-economic margins of European societies. The Roma had similar predominantly negative historical “experiences” in Croatian areas. Thus, they also experienced periods of repressive assimilation, which reached their climax during the Independent State of Croatia. The Romani population then found itself targeted by Ustasha racial policy and excluded from Croatian society, which led to their deportation, torture, and killing in various concentration camps, primarily Jasenovac. The consequence of this policy was the almost complete demographic “eradication” of the Roma in Croatian areas. The research presented in this paper is focused on the village of Bošnjaci in Srijem (Syrmia), which was home to several hundred Roma before World War II. Most of them led sedentary lifestyles and constituted an integral part of the community through their economic activity, crafts, trade, and agriculture. After the establishment of the IndependentState of Croatia, Ustasha racial policy encompassed this rural community, and as a result the Roma were labelled as “dangerous enemies” and “parasites” upon “the pure Croatian racial body”. The deportation of the Roma was conducted in June 1942, when the Roma from Bošnjaci were taken on foot to the county railway station, and then by train to Vinkovci. From this town, they were deported by train to Jasenovac. Only two Roma survived – they were soldiers of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, captured by the German military and sent to perform forced labour in German and Italian camps. The number of Romani victims from Bošnjaci still hasn’t been fully researched despite 11known attempts. It is, however, known that nobody declared themselves as Romani in the village of Bošnjaci and the entire surrounding district at the time of the next population census (1948). Almost the entire pre-war Romani community, which numbered at least a few hundred Roma, was destroyed as a consequence of Ustasha racial policy. According to the most recent population census, only seven people in this village declared themselves as Roma.
U radu se kratko opisuje i pokušava analizirati psihološke stanje čuvara u logoru Jasenovac i njegovih zatočenika te njihove međusobne odnose i doticaje u takvim okolnostima
Dvojica autora u ovom tekstu detaljno dekonstruiraju pet relativno poznatih tvrdnji povijesnih revizionista posljednjih godina u Hrvatskoj – da li je pozdrav Za dom spremni – domoljublje ili ...ustašovanje?; da li se u NDH dogodio kulturni i obrazovni procvat?; kako revizionisti izmišljaju da su žene i djeca iz ustaškog logora u Đakovu ubijeni u Auschwitzu (a ne u Jasenovcu); može li se samo ekshumacijama utvrditi broj žrtava jasenovačkog logora?; da li je Josip Broz Tito jedan od najvećih zločinaca 20. stoljeća?
Autori smatraju da je obrazac kojim se revizionisti služe u opisanim slučajevima uvijek isti – iskrivljavanjem, pa čak i izmišljanjem činjenica te raznim vrstama manipulacija i mistifikacija, a sve uz neposredan politički interes. Ovim smo tekstom željeli da znanstvenoj i široj javnosti pokažemo u čemu revizionisti namjerno ili nenamjerno griješe i koliko se njihove teze razlikuju od onoga što pripada domeni skrupulozne znanstvene spoznaje.
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