Ovaj rad koristi interpretativni pristup političkoj kulturi kako bi razmotrio pitanje utjelovljenosti demokratskih načela i praksi u institucijama, pogotovo u onima koje ne spadaju izričito u ...područje političkog procesa te koje stoga mogu lakše sakriti manjkavosti demokratskog sustava koje se ne mogu lako mjeriti na osnovi formalnih mjera demokratizacije. Tom istraživačkom problem urad pristupa analizom institucionalnog okvira nastave povijesti u Hrvatskoju 1990-ima i 2000-tima te prikazom kontroverzne teme socijalističke Jugoslavije u udžbenicima povijesti kao kritičnog slučaja. Analizom su obuhvaćena34 udžbenika povijesti 20. stoljeća koja su objavljena između 1991.i 2007. godine za korištenje u osnovnim školama, srednjim strukovnim školamai gimnazijama. Nalazi ove analize razmatraju se kao indikatori razvoja demokratske političke kulture. Zaključci ukazuju, na temelju toga kritičnog slučaja, da je Hrvatska, unatoč napretku u vezi s mjerama formalne demokratizacije2000-tih, ipak pala na testu institucionalno utjelovljenih demokratskih pretpostavki i normi.
Based on the interpretative approach to political culture, this study examine show democratic principles and practices are embedded in institutions, especially in those not explicitly defined as parts of the political process, as the secan more easily hide democratic flaws not easily measured by formal democratization measures. This research problem is approached by an analysis of the institutional framework of the history education in Croatia in the 1990s and2000s and an analysis of how the controversial socialist Yugoslavia, as a critical case, was presented in history textbooks. This analysis includes 34 textbooks of20th-century history that were published between 1991 and 2007 for the use of elementary schools, vocational high schools, and grammar schools. The findings are considered as indicators of the development of democratic political culture. The conclusions suggest that, despite the progress in formal democratization measures in the 2000s, based on this critical case, Croatia failed the test of institutionally-embedded democratic assumptions and norms.
Muzeji povezani s događajima Drugog svjetskog rata, narodnooslobodilačkim pokretom, radničkim pokretom i srodnim temama, koje možemo zajednički nazvati muzejima revolucije, ugašeni su raspadom ...socijalističke Jugoslavije. Na hrvatskom prostoru postojalo je sedam specijaliziranih muzeja, četiri muzeja u sklopu spomen-područja, desetak memorijalnih zbirki u sastavu specijaliziranih muzeja i više od stotinu zbirki i stalnih izložbi unutar općih muzeja, instituta, škola i drugih ustanova. Povijest pamti postojanje ovih muzeja kao institucija, no sve se manje pamti izgled njihovih postava, kako stalnih tako i povremenih izložbi, kao i autori tih prostorno-likovnih rješenja. Đuka Kavurić jedan je od ključnih oblikovatelja muzejskih postava muzeja revolucije. U Hrvatskoj je oblikovao najmanje četiri stalna postava — u Muzeju Vis — sjedište Vrhovnog štaba Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i Partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije i Nacionalnog komiteta oslobođenja Jugoslavije, Memorijalnom muzeju Jasenovac, Spomen-muzeju Drugog kongresa Komunističke partije Jugoslavije u Vukovaru te Muzeju radničkog i narodnooslobodilačkog pokreta za Slavoniju i Baranju u Slavonskom Brodu, kao i najmanje dvije povremene izložbe za Muzej revolucije naroda Hrvatske u Zagrebu. Autor je i većeg broja idejnih, neizvedenih projekata. Kavurić nam se kroz svoj opus otkriva kao vješti dizajner izložbenih postava koji je stavljao naglasak na likovno oblikovanje izložbi i koji se aktivno uključivao u sve aspekte njihova nastajanja, stvarajući postave jasne naracije.
In this paper, we present a thematic and methodological-theoretical history of immigration in Brazil, divided into three periods (up to 1918, from 1918 to 1945, and after 1945), in order to explain ...the causes of invisibility of this Croatian community and to point to the effects of the immigration policy that set up Brazil as the “disposal area” of marginal groups. We have pointed to historical events that prompted people to go from Croatia to Brazil, which made this country one of the three major emigrant recipients in Latin America even though not much attention has been given to it by the scientific community or in politics. We then interpreted the statistical data and estimates related to the number of immigrants in the country using a mixed methodology of quantitative and qualitative approaches to assess the current number of persons of Croatian heritage in Brazil. We continued with an analysis of prints, testimonies, and reports that describe the life of the community itself. These offer us insight into lower-level mechanisms that have influenced the deliberate disappearance of Croats, which has become one of the major characteristics of the community as a historical construct. In addition, we have highlighted ways in which media writing and some other instances were in constant dispute over the definition of the very experience of emigration, sometimes with positive viewpoints, but most often with negative ones, that over time became exclusive, thus contributing to the disappearance of Croats-Brazilians from the official destination maps. We end the article with a review of the relationship between the emigrant and his individual adjustment to the situation, which necessarily contributed to the hybrid identity that the Brazilian state officially encouraged, and enabled him to gain a better position and greater rights in the new society.
U radu se detaljnije istražuje život i djelo istaknutoga hrvatskog povjesničara Ferde Šišića od početka 1938. do 1940. godine. Temeljni je istraživački problem koji se postavlja u radu ...rasvjetljavanje i karakterizacija međuodnosa Šišićeva profesionalnog rada kao povjesničara i njegova političkog djelovanja. U tome cilju se na temelju brojnih arhivskih izvora, periodike i dostupne literature rekonstruira cjelokupna Šišićeva djelatnost na polju historiografije, u kulturi i politici u tadašnjem povijesnom kontekstu, određenom institucionalnim strukturama Kraljevine Jugoslavije.
This paper provides a more detailed analysis of the scholarly, cultural and political activities of the distinguished Croatian historian Ferdo Šišić during the last years of his life from 1938 to 1940. The main objective has been to cast light on the relation of Šišić’s work in the field of historiography and his political activities in the historical context defined by the institutions of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia at the time. The first chapter refers to Šišić’s withdrawal from his teaching duties at the Faculty of Philosophy in Zagreb in the academic year 1937/38 due to a heart condition and to political conflicts among the students at Zagreb University. His activities in Masonic lodges have been explored and his actions published in early 1938 analysed; they clearly indicated his close relations to the regime in Belgrade and to the policy of the then Prime Minister Milan Stojadinović. Another focus of the paper is Šišić’s publications published in spring 1938 particularly in reference to the re-establishment of his cooperation with Matica hrvatska, which, administered by Filip Lukas, became the base of activities for Croatian nationalist intellectuals with a negative attitude towards the regime in Belgrade. A thorough analysis of Šišić’s works, primarily in journalist style, published under changing political circumstances after the fall of Prime Minister Stojadinović’s government in the first half of 1939, has provided a clear indication of Šišić’s opportunism and careerism as the most acceptable explanation for his political and cultural activities. However, in this paper close attention has been also drawn to Šišić’s huge energy for work which, despite his poor health condition, made him return to his teaching duties at the Faculty of Philosophy in Zagreb in the winter semester of the academic year 1938/39; with this energy he maintained relationships with numerous colleagues and associates and continued writing, publishing a great number of works. This was partly also the reason why his seventieth birthday in March 1939 had a major impact, especially among the well-informed. The last part of this paper investigates Šišić’s life in the second half of 1939 marked by the progress of his illness, his retirement and the withdrawal from public life, which took place in the context of the establishment of the Banovina of Croatia. The final part describes Šišić’s death and his funeral in January 1940, special attention being paid to the first reviews of Šišić’s life and work immediately after his death.
Učitelj i politika Miškulin, Ivica
Scrinia Slavonica,
11/2022, Letnik:
22, Številka:
1
Journal Article, Paper
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
U radu autor ocjenjuje političko djelovanje učitelja Ivana Trdića u razdoblju Kraljevine Jugoslavije i početkom Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (1929. – 1941.). Čitatelj se posebno upućuje na analizu ...Trdićeva rada u temeljnim političkim i parapolitičkim organizacijama šestosiječanjskog režima u gradu te kotaru Slavonska Požega, poput Jugoslovenskog učiteljskog udruženja, Jugoslovenske radikalno seljačke demokratije, Jugoslovenske nacionalne stranke, Jugoslovenske radikalne zajednice i Sokola Kraljevine Jugoslavije. U promatranom razdoblju Trdić službuje u školi Vanjska Požega te je jedan od najvažnijih lokalnih pristaša ideologije i politike beskompromisnog jugoslavenstva. Njezino pak rastakanje u drugoj polovici 1930-ih donosi propast Trdićevih ideala. Osvetoljubive ustaše ubile su ga u prvim danima Nezavisne Države Hrvatske.
The abundance and diversity of the preserved archival materials allow a comprehensive analysis of the political activities of the teacher Ivan Trdić during the time of the Yugoslav states (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) between the two wars and in the first days of the Independent State of Croatia. In the first part of the parliamentary period (1919-1926) Trdić came to the fore as the first local teacher to voice the ideology of Yugoslav unitarism, which soon put him - chiefly because of his aggressive pushing of exclusive and violent Yugoslavism - in an untenable position in the Croatian rural communities in which he worked (Nova Kapela). The predictable outcome of everything was a deep disapproval of Yugoslav symbolism by the majority of Croats who started to justifiably treat the aggressive and violent unitaristic minority as national renegades and traitors. Immediately after his promotion in his career (occupying the position of head teacher through political protectionism by the Association of Yugoslav Teachers) Trdić had to undergo a fall. The first Yugoslav circle of sincere Yugoslav teachers ended in the victory of national (i.e. separate Croatian and Serbian) policies and led Trdić to the lee of anonymity in back-of-beyond Stražeman.The Yugoslav nationalists were undeservedly given a new opportunity in the early 1930s. Hence, the 6 January coup of Aleksander Karađorđević must be considered as a new attempt to impose a Yugoslav synthesis. The ideology of the uncompromising Yugoslav regime of the dictatorship reiterated a number of the previous features (a-historicism, exclusiveness, hidden Serbianization) but also brought in some novelties such as state protection, a more apparent monarchism, the predominance of the assimilation version of Yugoslavism and the disappearance of a vocal opposition. As expected, Trdić happened to be at the forefront of distinguished stakeholders of the new conditions in Slavonska Požega (where he lived and where the primary school of which he was head was located); he was enthusiastically active through the two basic media. He occupied a distinguished position in the new regime formation meant for the ideological indoctrination of society, particularly of children (centralized Association of Yugoslav Teachers) and was also a part of the administration of regime parties. Also, the increase of problems concerning the ambivalence of the dictatorial regime would hardly have led to a new collapse of Yugoslav nationalism without the violent death of its idol King Alexander. Without the king, the supporters of “provincial” (that is to say national) identities in Sava Banovina were in the majority (as indicated by the parliamentary elections in May 1935) and in the case of Slavonska Požega this in the first place indicated the return of the HSS (Croatian Peasant Party) led Croatian national movement to the scene. Hence, Trdić experienced in Slavonska Požega (as well as in the second half of 1920 in Nova Kapela) the collapse of Yugoslav nationalism which is naturally the frequent fate of unnatural ideological projects that have no very serious support and are based on imposition and repression.Trdić managed to keep his position on the surface for only a short period of time: without the support of the regime or of a strong political party the Croatian, Yugo-nationalists were brought down to the status of a distinct minority, hence, the imperative of continuing to exist inevitably led them in the direction of Milan Stojadinović which again brings to light their dependence on the Serbian base. However, the establishment of the Banovina of Croatia (denied in the early 1930s) indicated the final victory of Croatian nationalism, that is to say the final defeat of Yugoslav nationalism and the new regime showed not much consideration for Yugoslav teachers who were the servants of a violent and anti-Croatian dictatorship. Trdić was therefore expelled from the Association of Croatian Teachers and to the Yugoslav Radical Union he was more an obstacle to the prospects of the party than a useful lure for Croats. However, Trdić’s second Yugoslav round did not end peacefully. The regime of the Banovina of Croatia forced him into retirement but the uncompromising Croatian nationalists governing the Independent State of Croatia decided to execute him.
Odnos svjetovnih nacionalnih tiskanih medija prema Katoličkoj Crkvi u Hrvatskoj u razdoblju od 1943. do 1990. godine je različit. Kako je u to vrijeme Hrvatska bila u sastavu komunističke ...Jugoslavije, na čelu s Josipom Brozom Titom koji je u državi uspostavio komunistički režim, medije je kontrolirala vlast. Osim medija Tito je i Crkvu želio staviti pod državnu upravu. Tadašnji zagrebački nadbiskupu Alojzije Stepinac posebno se tome suprotstavljao i gorljivo je branio odvajanje Crkve od njezine matice, Vatikana, po cijenu gubitka vlastite slobode. Stanovito olakšanje i slobodnije djelovanje klerici i vjerski tisak osjetili su 1966. godine, kada je SFR Jugoslavija potpisala sporazum sa Svetom Stolicom. Izborom Franje Kuharića za zagrebačkog nadbiskupa 1970. godine Crkva ponovno odgovara vlastima i medijima na njihove provokacije. Raspadom SFRJ mijenja se i stav nove hrvatske vlasti prema Katoličkoj Crkvi i kleru. Republika Hrvatska, samostalna i slobodna, donosi svoj prvi Ustav, čime radikalno mijenja svoj odnos prema katoličkom tisku i prisutnosti vjerske tematike u medijima.
From 1943 to 1990 the attitude of secular, national and print media towards the Catholic Church in Croatia was diverse. During that period Croatia was a part of communist Yugoslavia, which was led by Josip Broz Tito who had established the communist regime. The media was controlled by the government. Tito wanted the Church to be under the government administration as well, which former archbishop Stepinac did not approve of and was strongly against the separation from Vatican. In 1966 there was a brief relief and possibility for freer action for clergy and religious media after the SFRY and Vatican signed a treaty. After Franjo Kuharić was elected as the new archbishop of Zagreb in 1970, the Church once more started fighting back to the authorities and the media. When SFRY disintegrated, the attitude of the new Croatian government towards Catholic Church and clergy altered. The Republic of Croatia, now free and independent, adopts its first Constitution thus radically changing their relationship towards the Catholic media and overall religious matter in the media.
U radu se na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva istražuje jedan aspekt
kulturne politike Jugoslavije i Hrvatske prema iseljeništvu – gostovanja glazbenih umjetnika i kulturno-umjetničkih društava u ...zemljama iseljavanja 60-ih i 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća. U kratkom prikazu iseljeničke službe na saveznoj i republičkoj razini daje se uvid
u njezinu ulogu u formiranju i realiziranju te nadzor nad tim dijelom kulturne politike. Nastojanje Jugoslavije da ostvari organizacijski i ideološki nadzor nad tim aktivnostima dodatno je ilustriran primjerima dvojice hrvatskih popularnih pjevača – Ive Robića i Vice Vukova.
Based on the original archives, the paper explores one aspect of the cultural policy of Yugoslavia and Croatia towards emigration—guest appearances by music artists and cultural and artistic societies in the countries of emigration in the 1960s and 1970s. The policy towards emigrants, especially ‘temporary workers abroad’, has been particularly important since the early 1960s, as emigration began to be perceived as a
vital force, for both political and economic reasons. Therefore, the emigration service in the 1960s expanded and operated through several working bodies at the federal and republican levels, and played an essential role in the formation and implementation as well as the supervision of cultural policy towards emigrants. The idea was to maintain and strengthen the influence of self-managing socialist Yugoslavia in the ‘Seventh Republic’, and to neutralise the impact of political émigrés averse to the communist regime as much as possible. Music, as a segment of cultural policy, was a trump card that was known to have good reception with the audience, and guest appearances by musicians—singers and cultural and artistic societies—became very popular and frequent in Western Europe and overseas. Visits thus became a
medium of ideological and promotional activities towards emigrants; organisers, performers, programs, and performances were regularly monitored by the state and Party bodies, diplomatic missions, and the State Security Service. Among the implementers of cultural policy towards emigrants, a significant role was played by the Heritage Foundation of Croatia, which operated according to the instructions of state and Party bodies, but had the best insight into the situation among immigrants and maintained continuous relations with them. Yugoslavia’s efforts to gain organisational and ideological control over
musical guest appearances are further illustrated through the examples of two Croatian popular singers—Ivo Robić and Vice Vukov.
Bijela knjiga je uobičajeni naziv za internu analizu Saveza komunista Hrvatske iz ožujka 1984. u kojoj su sabrane antisistemske pojave iz javnoga prostora od 1982. do 1984., najvećim dijelom iz ...Srbije, a koje su bile u suprotnosti s politikom Saveza komunista Jugoslavije. Ona je bila rezultat dosljedne provedbe zaključaka Centralnoga komiteta Saveza komunista Jugoslavije u Hrvatskoj, ali i većem dijelu republika i autonomnih pokrajina. U Srbiji su to radili parcijalno, očito iz pobuda da ne idu do kraja u obračun s kritičarima komunizma jer su dijelu političkoga vrha Srbije služili i za druge ciljeve – promjenu političkoga sustava, što je bio eufemizam za redefiniranje jugoslavenskoga federalizma. Analiza je bila uvod u Savjetovanje kulturnih stvaralaca održano 23. svibnja 1984. u Zagrebu. Izazvala je razmimoilaženje između komunista Hrvatske i Srbije i potaknula dugotrajne polemike u medijima.
The White Book is the popular name for the internal analysis of the League of Communists of Croatia from March 1984, in which anti-system occurrences in the public space—i.e. those that were at odds with the policies of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia—from 1982 to 1984 and
mostly from Serbia, were gathered. It was the result of the consistent implementation of the policies of the Central Committee of the League of
Communists of Yugoslavia in Croatia as well as in most parts of the other Yugoslav republics and autonomous provinces. In Serbia, this was done only partially, obviously due to a desire to avoid a thorough settling of accounts with the media and anti-communists, because they were important to a part of the political leadership that wanted a change of the political system, which was a euphemism for redefining Yugoslav federalism. The goal of the Analysis was to highlight this issue, while the Consultations of Cultural Creators held on 23 May 1984 were intended to offer help from Zagreb. It appears that the White Book purposefully ended up in the hands of persons in Belgrade for whose eyes
it had not been intended, and thus worsened relations between the Leagues of Communists of Croatia and Serbia. The White Book was also the
cause of long-lasting media polemics, despite the Party leadership’s demands that they be stopped. It is a concrete example that there existed serious differences in the approach to the topic of ideological struggle within the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, and that the conclusions of the League’s Central Committee were not being conducted according to the principles of ‘democratic centralism’.
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