O razlozima iseljavanja iz Hrvatske do sada se najčešće pisalo s aspekta
politike useljavanja u pojedine države, a manje politike iseljavanja iz
domovine. Ovim se radom stoga žele pokazati razvojne ...faze iseljeničkoga
režima u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji/Hrvatskoj, što će se pratiti preko
angažmana mjerodavnih institucija u Hrvatskoj s posebnim naglaskom na ulogu Komisije za iseljenička pitanja. U analizi će poslužiti fondovi Hrvatskoga državnog arhiva vezani uz institucije (uprava i javne službe), pisma iseljenika za emisiju Radio-televizije Zagreb „Našim građanima u svijetu”, kao i anketni upitnici radnika na privremenom radu
u Saveznoj Republici Njemačkoj. Na temelju navedenih izvora želi se dokazati da se vlast u socijalističkoj Hrvatskoj brinula o sudbini iseljenika i povratnika, ali i radnih migranata (gastarbajtera), otvarajući prostor za ono što danas nazivamo javno-privatnim partnerstvom u pružanju usluga migrantima.
The reasons for emigration from Croatia have thus far been analysed mostly from the aspect of immigration policy, but less often from the aspect of the policies of emigration to individual countries. Therefore, it was not even possible to monitor the continuity of Croatian policy towards the emigration, whose connections with previous periods significantly influenced the phases of emigration and return of the population in the socialist period. Precisely for this reason, the aim of this paper is to present a broader picture of the reaction of socialist Yugoslavia/Croatia to the emigration and the return of the population in the period from 1945 to 1970. This was monitored through the reactions of the government and the administrative apparatus (institutions and legislation), with special reference to the involvement of relevant institutions (administrations and public services) in Croatia, which played a key role in organising activities related to emigration and return. Among them, the Commission for Emigrant Issues stood out the most, having one of the more complex roles related to emigration/return observed through its scope, adopting normative acts, and cooperating with other institutions in Croatia (Croatian Heritage Foundation, Radio-Television Zagreb, Institute for Migration, Section of Social Psychology, University of Zagreb). Of particular interest was the cooperation with the last on the development of an emigrant survey, which was the beginning of sociological, economic, and socio-psychological research on the phenomenon of work outside the homeland (or guest worker experience). Based on the analysis, we prove that the government in socialist Croatia cared about the fate of emigrants and returnees by making room for what we now call public-private partnerships in providing services to emigrants—in other words, that emigration policy played an important role in building a welfare state in Yugoslavia/Croatia. Therefore, the approach to the topic was based on works in the field of social policy, while the analysis was made using the funds of the Croatian State Archives related to institutions (administrations and public services), letters from emigrants for the Radio-Television Zagreb show To Our Citizens in the World, and survey questionnaires for temporary workers in the Federal Republic of Germany.
Most of what has been written about the recent history of Yugoslavia and the fierce wars that have plagued that country has been produced by journalists, political analysts, diplomats, human rights ...organization, the United Nations, and other government and intergovernmental organizations. Professional historians of Yugoslavia, however, have been strangely silent about the wars and the breakup of the country. This book is an effort to end that silence. The goal of this volume is to bring together insights from a distinguished group of American and European scholars of Yugoslavia to add depth to our historical understanding of that country's recent struggles. The first part of the volume examines the ways in which images of the Yugoslav past have shaped current understandings of the region. The second part deals more directly with the events of the recent past and also looks forward to some of the problems and future prospects for Yugoslavia's successor states.
U članku autorica analizira neizvedeni projekt robne kuća „Na-Ma“ u naselju Trnje u Zagrebu iz 1960. godine. Planiran kao dio novog centra socijalističkog Zagreba, ovaj projekt pruža uvid u ...profesionalni kontekst razmišljanja o robnim kućama kao modernim trgovačkim prostorima i specifičnim arhitektonskim tipovima, kao i u kontekst ekonomskih i društvenih uvjeta koji su definirali procese planiranja i izgradnje robnih kuća, moderne trgovačke mreže i urbanog prostora u Zagrebu u razdoblju socijalističke Jugoslavije ranih 1960-ih godina. Autorica tvrdi kako nerealizirani projekt robne kuće „Na-Ma“ kroz sferu moderne trgovine prikazuje ambicije i izazove prisutne u arhitektonskom i urbanističkom projektiranju, kao i u procesima odlučivanja i financiranja na razini grada, te na taj način detaljnije razotkriva funkcioniranje decentraliziranog jugoslavenskog ekonomskog i administrativnog sustava u Zagrebu u spomenutom razdoblju.
Autor na temelju relevantne literature i (ne)poznatih izvora prikazuje djelovanje Giuseppea Masuccija kao tajnika apostolskog poslanika za vrijeme Nezavisne Države Hrvatske i u prvoj godini ...komunističke Jugoslavije. U radu se posebno analiziraju do sada neistraženi dokumenti koji se nalaze u Hrvatskom državnom arhivu (fond Službe državne sigurnosti), a koji su rezultat rada jugoslavenskih tajnih službi za vrijeme nadzora i obrade Giuseppea Masuccija. Također, na istome mjestu nalazi se i do sada nepoznata inačica prijevoda Masuccijeva dnevnika, koja se na brojnim mjestima ne podudara s onom objavljenom 1967. u Madridu. Autor pokazuje kako se bez cjelovitog prikaza Masuccijeva djelovanja ne može ispravno zaključivati ne samo o djelovanju zagrebačkog nadbiskupa Stepinca nego ni općenito o državno-crkvenim odnosima u promatranom razdoblju.
The complexity of the Yugoslav communist government’s attitude towards the Catholic Church under the creation of a new socialist socio-political system is the topic that will be discussed in this ...paper based on the analysis of the press’s attitude towards the Catholic Church in the period from 1952 to 1970. Based on the quantitative-qualitative analysis of articles published in the Vinkovci newspaper Novosti in the selected period, we will show the frequency of occurrence results and the context in which the selected keywords for the analysis of the digital version of the newspaper appeared (Catholic Church, priests, religion/religiosity, clergy/clericalism, church, faith, Christianity). Thus, the analysis of the weekly Novosti aims to determine whether we can observe certain changes in the attitude of the press towards the Catholic Church over nineteen years, during which several events took place to question Yugoslavia’s overall attitude towards the Catholic Church (from the severance of diplomatic relations between the Holy See and Yugoslavia, the signing of the Protocol, all the way to the re-establishment of diplomatic relations).
Diplomatic, consular and economic relations between the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Argentina were established on 16 September 1946. The agreement was signed by ...General Ljubo Ilić, chief of the Yugoslav diplomatic mission in South America, and Juan Atilion Bramuglia, Argentinian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Religion. In the first decade after World War II, the two states had some open problems and unresolved issues such as the question of commercial agreements, Yugoslav political emigration in Argentina, especially the Ustasha movement, Argentine nationalised property in Yugoslavia, visas for entering Argentina etc.Following World War II, Argentina became the country with the most emigrants of Yugoslav origin in the entire Latin America. The major part of those were Croats and Slovenes, while emigrants from Montenegro and Serbia made up a smaller proportion. The issue of Yugoslav immigrants in Argentina was of the greatest importance in the relations between two countries. In the late 1940s, the interests of Yugoslavia and Argentina in this matter were opposed. Both sides wanted to use a qualified work force for building their own country. Yugoslavia tried to recruit immigrants to come back and take part in fulfilment of the Five-Year Plan established in 1947. Argentina on the other hand, wanted to keep able-bodied people for building its own industry. The Yugoslav government sent ships for immigrants and organised housing and jobs for them upon their return. The majority of them were construction, agriculture, and textile workers. The peak of the repatriation was 1948, when 83% of Yugoslav immigrants returned from Argentina.There was another problem, and that was the different treatment of immigrants with dual citizenship, which especially referred to the children of Yugoslav immigrants who were born on Argentine soil. According the law, they were Argentine citizens, but Yugoslav authorities still thought of them as their own. According to official data, of all the people to return in Yugoslavia in the 1946–51 period, a total of 1,748 arrived from Argentina, which was 10.84% of the total number of returning Yugoslav citizens. Only France was ahead of Argentina in this period in terms of numbers of returns, with 3,914, while Canada was behind, with 1,727.
Public advocacy of Slavic mutuality and solidarity was an essential component of Soviet ‘soft power’ in the 1940s war-torn Europe. Being conceptualised by Stalin’s government in order to strengthen ...influence over occupied Eastern Europe, it was driven by a propaganda abundant with national liberation, anti-fascism, social equality and democratisation traits, while warily covering up its communist agenda under a non-revolutionary facade. In postwar Croatia, Slavic consonance was particularly propagandised by the Slavic Committee of Croatia (dependent on the Slavic Committee of Yugoslavia), a para-political learned society whose mission was heavily influenced by both the ongoing Communist revolutionary ideologisation and the escalating Cold War polarisation. Lackeyed by the Yugoslav Communist Party, the Committee commended propaganda efforts that had already been carried out to perpetrate the aestheticisation and glorification of the Soviet Union, through painting its adversaries as enemies of peace and democracy, imperialist war-mongers, servants of capitalists, etc. The Committee was eager to conduct a ruthless defamation of Western democracy and pluralism, in order to heap praise on the Soviets. Considering the fact that the Committee was established in 1946 as an instrument intended to spread the political influence of the USSR, its existence closely followed the dynamics of Soviet-Yugoslav relations, so it disappeared shortly after the Tito-Stalin split in 1948.
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