The conception of total people’s defence and social self-protection, as the Yugoslav defence-protection system was called, began to be implemented after the Warsaw Pact countries’ invasion of ...Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Yugoslav communists believed that this sudden and successful aggression could be effectively opposed only through the organised engagement of all available societal potentials, based on its revolutionary experience and reflections on Marxist classics regarding arming the populace. This was the beginning of a conception of defence that visibly burdened the society, increased the already large military budget, and prompted the militarisation of society. Although the security of society, called social self-protection, was discussed at the same time as defence, the true impetus for its theoretical and practical formation was the infiltration of the paramilitary cell Feniks (Phoenix) into Yugoslavia in summer 1972. In contrast to total people’s defence, whose implementation was considered successful, the implementation of social self-protection ran into numerous problems because security was from 1945 to 1966 exclusively the responsibility of the security service, and therefore difficult to accept in other social structures. For this reason, on several occasions the League of Communists initiated its acceptance on all levels of organisation in party and social-political structures. A relatively efficient fusion of these two protective complexes was achieved only in 1979, after the founding of committees for total people’s defence and social self-protection, which were supposed to secure the leading role of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in the defence-security system.
Oslanjajući se na objavljenu literaturu i neobjavljeno arhivsko gradivo, autori u radu obrađuju fenomen obnove katoličkoga tiska u Hrvatskoj tijekom 1960-ih, ponajprije u kontekstu crkveno-državnih ...odnosa toga vremena. Proces obnove Katoličke crkve, potaknut Drugim vatikanskom koncilom, s jedne strane te želja jugoslavenskih vlasti da ponovno normaliziraju odnose s Crkvom u tadašnjoj Jugoslaviji, ali i obnove 1952. jednostrano prekinute diplomatske odnose sa Svetom Stolicom s druge strane otvorili su mogućnost da Crkva u Hrvatskoj obnovi i neke svoje javne/društvene djelatnosti, koje su joj od 1945. bile sustavno uskraćivane, među kojima je istaknuto mjesto zauzelo ponovno pokretanje njezina tiska koji je država 1945. ugušila. Tu je priliku Crkva 1960-ih uspješno iskoristila, a obnovljeni katolički tisak naišao je na velik interes publike te su se u samo nekoliko godina umnožili i broj osnovanih/obnovljenih listova i njihova naklada.
Đuro Kokša (Molve, 17. svibnja 1922. – Zagreb, 26. studenog 1998.) bio je vicerektor Papinskoga hrvatskog zavoda sv. Jeronima u Rimu od 11. rujna 1957. do 15. rujna 1959., kada je preuzeo službu ...rektora. Papa Pavao VI. imenovao ga je 20. travnja 1978. naslovnim biskupom Grumenta i pomoćnim zagrebačkim biskupom. Zavodom je upravljao sve do 8. veljače 1980., kada je na njegovo mjesto došao mostarsko-duvanjski svećenik Ratko Perić. Vrijeme Kokšina upravljanja Zavodom obilježili su vrlo složeni crkveno-politički odnosi u Jugoslaviji, odnosno u Hrvatskoj, dok je stanje u cijeloj Crkvi bilo vrlo izazovno. Kokša je kao upravitelj Zavoda ponekad mimo svoje volje morao izvršavati odluke koje su dolazile s viših crkvenih razina, a s kojima se nije uvijek slagao, zbog čega je bio meta napada od strane hrvatskih emigrantskih skupina. S druge strane, bio je pod stalnom pratnjom komunističke vlasti. Usprkos svemu ostavio je trag u povijesti Zavoda. Uz pomoć crkvenog vodstva otvorio je Zavod za svećenike studente iz domovine, a papa Pavao VI. je na molbu kardinala Franje Šepera u srpnju 1971. dotadašnji naziv „Ilirski zavod sv. Jeronima” promijenio u „Papinski hrvatski zavod sv. Jeronima”. Dok je Kokša bio rektor Zavoda, Jozo Kljaković je dovršio dva pokrajnja mozaika na sjevernom pročelju zavodske zgrade, a Ivan Meštrović mu je 1960. dao dopuštenje za odljev u gipsu njegove Pietà. Ovaj rad je nastao na temelju prethodnih istraživanja i Kokšine arhivske građe, koja se čuva u Nadbiskupskom arhivu u Zagrebu i u Zavodu sv. Jeronima u Rimu. Rimsku je ostavštinu godine 2017. složio . i inventar sastavio splitski arhivist Ivan Balta.
Đuro Kokša (Molve, 17. V 1922 – Zagreb, 26. XI 1998) was the vice-rector of the Pontifical Croatian College of St. Jerome in Rome from September 11, 1957 to September 15, 1959, when he assumed the office of rector. On April 20, 1978, Pope Paul VI appointed him titular bishop of Grument and auxiliary bishop of Zagreb. He managed the College until February 8, 1980, when he was replaced by Ratko Perić, a Mostar-Duvno priest. The time of Kokša›s management of the College was marked by very complex church-political relations in Yugoslavia, that is, in Croatia, while the situation in the entire Church was very challenging. Kokša, as the rector of the College, sometimes against his will had to carry out decisions that came from higher church levels, with which he did not always agree, which is why he was the target of attacks by Croatian emigrant groups. On the other hand, he was under the constant surveillance of the communist government. Despite everything, he left a trace in the history of the College. With the help of the church leadership, he opened the College for priests students from the homeland, while Pope Paul VI at the request of Cardinal Franjo Šeper, in July 1971, replaced the previous name “Illyrian College of St. Jerome” with the “Pontifical Croatian College of St. Jerome”. While Kokša was rector of the College, Jozo Kljaković completed two side mosaics on the north facade of the College building, and in 1960 Ivan Meštrović gave him permission to cast his Pietà in plaster. This paper was written on the basis of previous researches and Kokša’s archival material, which is kept in the Archbishop’s Archives in Zagreb and in the College of St. Jerome in Rome. The Roman legacy was compiled in 2017 and the inventory was compiled by Split archivist Ivan Balta.
Sudovi za zaštitu nacionalne časti Hrvata i Srba u Hrvatskoj, kao specijalni sudovi organizirani u neposrednom poraću Drugoga svjetskoga rata, bili su zaduženi za političku, propagandnu, kulturnu, ...umjetničku, privrednu i administrativnu suradnju s neprijateljem i njegovim pomagačima. Velik dio optužnica koje su se našle pred ovim sudom imale su prvenstveno politički značaj za novu vlast u Jugoslaviji. S obzirom na to da je arhivska građa o ovoj temi podosta necjelovita, značajan izvor predstavljaju nam onodobni natpisi iz dnevnog tiska. Oni ne samo da popunjavaju praznine arhivskih izvora već i zorno svjedoče o važnosti propagande kada se govori o radu ovih sudova. Kroz tisak, s
„pitanjem časti“ upoznata je javnost.
U središtu istraživanja rada proces je festivalizacije Dubrovačkih ljetnih igara u razdoblju od 1949. do 1959. godine, kada se Ljetne igre oblikuju u prepoznatljiv festival jugoslavenskoga i ...međunarodnoga značaja. Na temelju arhivske građe festivala, novinskih članaka i festivalskih publikacija u radu će se djelatnost festivala najprije kontekstualizirati s obzirom na povijesne okolnosti, a zatim će se odgovoriti na istraživačka pitanja vezana uz organizaciju, programski i konceptualni razvoj festivala te njegovu medijsku reprezentaciju u tadašnjim jugoslavenskim novinama.
U članku se na temelju arhivskih izvora, tiska i dostupne literature prikazuje djelovanje vojno-veteranskih društava s prostora bivše banske Hrvatske u međuratnom razdoblju (1918. – 1941.). U svojem ...prikazu autori su se prvenstveno usredotočili na odnos jugoslavenskih vlasti prema hrvatskim vojno-veteranskim društvima, koja su okupljala vojne veterane poražene austrougarske vojske, ali i na odnos radikalnih hrvatskih nacionalista prema tim društvima.
This article reports on research into the activities of Croatian military-veteran societies in the interwar period (1918-1941) in an endeavour to answer the question as to why in present-day Croatia World War I is at the margins of memory, i.e. why it is a forgotten war. Emphasis is placed on the attitude of the Yugoslav government towards the Croatian military-veteran societies, which gathered together military veterans of the defeated Austro-Hungarian army, and also on the attitude of radical Croatian nationalists toward these societies. Research has shown that the Croatian military-veteran societies were chiefly of a local character, whereas Serbian military-veteran societies took in both the Serbian and the Yugoslav state territory. In further analysis, the conclusion was drawn that the cause of the restricted nature of the Croatian military-veteran societies was Croats at the time not having a nation state that was based on the sacrifice of its sons, and so such societies in Croatia had an exclusively humanitarian character; it was not aimed at reviving the glorious Croatian war record in order to unify the Croatian people. Yugoslavia was primarily a state of Serbs, and it drew on the sacrifices of the war, but only those of Serbian soldiers, and any kind of gathering of the Croats and cherishing of the memory of the defeated Austro-Hungarian army was interpreted as an attack on the foundation of the state. This was why the Croatian military-veteran societies in Yugoslavia between the two wars, which had the potential to outgrow their local character, were either banned or forcibly merged with the dominant Serbian societies. At the same time, radical Croatian nationalists were not particularly interested in such societies. Their programme was not based on any going back to the pre-Yugoslav state, but rather on the establishment of an independent Croatian state; hence, they did not consider World War I, when Croats were fighting for and in favour of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, a significant part of their fight.
Yugoslav shipbuilding suffered great material damage during World War II. Even that which was not destroyed had very little value at its end. Shipyards had to be built and upgraded according to new ...and modern concepts. All adopted construction plans and projects of renewal, reorganisation, and modernisation, as well as parallel efforts in production and investment construction, in Yugoslavia were aimed at developing an industrial branch that had been of very little economic importance for the country before World War II. For that reason, significant financial resources (around 28 billion dinars) were invested in the development of the shipyard in the observed period, which enabled larger-scale shipbuilding to begin during the 1950s. Given the permanent military threat to the country in the first post-war decade, shipbuilding in that period placed emphasis on the construction of ships for the needs of the navy. A large number of vessels were built for the needs of the Yugoslav Navy, which significantly contributed to increasing the country’s defence capability. However, we must point out that the first fleet program from 1947, which, among other things, foresaw the delivery of 4 cruisers, 20 destroyers, and about 100 submarines to the navy, was never carried out. Due to the reduction of the danger of war, starting in 1953, Yugoslav shipyards began to pay more and more attention to the construction of ships for the needs of the merchant marine and for export. In the last five observed years (1956–1960), shipbuilding became a distinctly export industry, placing more than half of its products on foreign markets. The increase in shipbuilding production in this period also had a favourable effect on the development of many other industries (ferrous metallurgy, electrical and mechanical industry, etc.), but above all it had a great influence on the improvement of the Yugoslav foreign trade balance.
Kampanja protiv apstrakcije 1962./1963. jedan je od najdrastičnijih pokušaja političke arbitraže i reafirmacije dogmatizma u umjetnosti Jugoslavije. Tadašnji izvori upozoravaju da je upravo enformel ...bio meta tog napada. Suštinska pitanja na koja ovaj članak nastoji odgovoriti jesu: tko, kada i zašto se uključuje u polemiku oko enformela doprinoseći eskalaciji konflikta. Praćenjem zbivanja, koincidencija i usporedbi došlo se do zaključka da je kampanja protiv enformela bila strateški planirana i sinhronizirana akcija jugoslavenskog političkog i kulturnog establišmenta sprovedena prema scenariju političke intervencije u sovjetskoj kulturi, koja joj je neposredno prethodila. Iako kratkotrajna i bez drastičnih posljedica, kampanja u Jugoslaviji rezultirala je presjecanjem razvojnog puta, otupljivanjem kritičke oštrice i marginalizacijom enformelne apstrakcije na institucionalnoj razini.
The campaign against Abstraction in 1962-63 represents one of the most dramatic attempts at political arbitrage and reaffirmation of dogmatism in the history of Yugoslav art. Contemporary sources suggest that the main target of those attacks was – Art Informel. Therefore, the essential questions this article seeks to discuss are the following: who, when and why was involved in the dispute over Art Informel, contributing to the escalation of the conflict. By keeping track of the events, coincidences and parallels, it was concluded that the campaign against Art Informel was a strategically planned and synchronized action of the Yugoslav political and cultural establishment, conducted according to the scenario of political intervention in Soviet culture, which immediately preceded it. Although short-lived and with no drastic consequences, this campaign in Yugoslavia resulted in an obstruction of the developmental path, dulling the critical blade, as well as marginalizing the Art Informel abstraction on the institutional map of meanings.
Natalija Matić-Zrnić, Natalija; Irvine, Jill A; Lilly, Carol S
11/2008
eBook
The life story of a Serbian woman over a period of more than 70 years, preserved in memoirs, letters and mostly diaries, recounts the triumphs and tragedies of a life that takes place against the ...backdrop of extraordinary turbulence in the Balkans. It covers more than half a century, five wars (including the two world wars), and four ideologies. This is a time of excitement in Serbia as its leaders carve an independent state out of the Ottoman Empire and attempt to modernize a largely rural and “backward" corner of Europe. A time of opportunity for many who join in the effort to build the infrastructure of a modern economy, as well as the growing number of middle class families who send their children, in rare cases even girls, to the emerging system of state schools. Above all, a time of war, as the expanding Serbian state comes into conflict with its neighbors and, ultimately, the Great Powers of Europe. Accompanied by an introductory study, Natalija’s diary provides a rich background to understanding the on-going conflict in the Balkans today.
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