Making Yugoslavs Nielsen, Christian Axboe
Making Yugoslavs,
2014, 20141015, 2014, 2014-10-15, 2014-11-05
eBook
Christian Axboe Nielsen uses extensive archival research to explain the failure of King Aleksandar's dictatorship's program of forced nationalization in the interwar era.
This paper intends to explain not only the origins of the modern woman in a changing political and social environment in a newly established state after First World War, but also the development of ...ideas formulated by women in their intellectual endeavors, through their influence and criticism, and their hopes and expectations of the new state. It focuses on Croat and South Slavic spaces in the process of unification of the State of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1918 (called the Kingdom of SHS, Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1929). This period saw the unprecedented involvement of women in political and public life with the aim of achieving political and legal equality. Examining the complex structural changes that took place amidst great economic, social, and political commotion, the paper encompasses the personalities and ideas that challenged the established understanding of the status of women and analyses the ways and forms of some of their social and public actions. The most important among them was Zovka Kveder Demetrović, a journalist and editor of a prominent women’s magazine Ženski svijet/Jugoslavenska žena Women’s World/The Yugoslav Woman whose advocacy of women’s issues is the focus of this paper. It informs the reader on new possibilities of understanding the intellectual and political contribution of women, and identifies the most important, if generally unknown, women authors from the region whose work contributed to the general advancement of women’s issues in the aftermath of First World War.
The paper analyses the interest and factors that influenced the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes’ attitude toward the Albanian government under Fan Noli. Initially the SCS Government opposed ...international recog-nition and endorsement, later actively supporting the overthrow of Noli’s government. Diplomatic and military means were used to reach those objectives. A new regime led by Ahmet Zogu came back to power in Albania.Consequently, a new era in bilateral relations was opened in the Balkans.The newly installed regime led by Ahmet Zogu resulted in a calmer nationalist movement of Albanians in the Kingdom of SCS, but at the sametime, Albania became the centre of rivalry between Italy and the Kingdomof SCS in the Balkans, with both powers competing for control over Albania. This article was composed using a comparative and chronologicalapproach based on archival sources and relevant literature. While previousstudies explored this subject using Yugoslav and Albanian sources, this paper uses foreign literature, aiming thus to unveil new insights and neutral perspectives, shedding light on both specific facts and broader international relations.
Rad analizira interese i čimbenike koji su utjecali na stav Kraljevine Srba,Hrvata i Slovenaca prema albanskoj vladi pod vodstvom Fana Nolija. Početno je Vlada Kraljevine SHS bila protiv međunarodnog priznanja i podrške, da bi kasnije aktivno podupirala svrgavanje Nolijeve vlade. U tu su svrhu korištena diplomatska i vojna sredstva. Novi režim koji je predvodio Ahmet Zogu preuzeo je vlast u Albaniji. Rezultat je bilo otvaranje novograzdoblja u bilateralnim odnosima na Balkanu. Novi režim pod vodstvom Ahmeta Zogua rezultirao je smirenijim nacionalističkim pokretom Albanaca u Kraljevini Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, ali je istodobno Albanija postala središte sukoba između Italije i Kraljevine SHS na Balkanu, pri čemu su se obje države natjecale za kontrolu nad Albanijom. Ovaj rad koristi komparativni i kronološki pristup temeljen na arhivskim izvorima i relevantnoj literaturi. Dok su prethodna istraživanja ovoj temi pristupala koristeći jugoslavenske i albanske izvore, ovaj rad koristi stranu literaturu, te tako nastoji steći nove uvide i neutralnu perspektivu, otkrivajući i specifične činjenice, ali i šire međunarodne odnose.
Rad analizira ciljeve i taktike slovenskih političkih grupacija od Prvoprosinačkoga akta 1918. do izbora za Konstituantu u studenom 1920. Iako su na vanjskopolitičkom planu ciljevi slovenskih ...stranaka bili slični, a na unutarnjem su planu sve političke snage pretendirale na sudjelovanje u vlasti, proučavani period obilježili su brojni unutarstranački rascjepi. U Slovenskoj narodnoj stranci vladala je podjela na kritičare velikosrpske politike i oportuniste koji su pokušavali pripremiti poslijeizbornu koaliciju sa srpskim radikalima (Narodna radikalna stranka). Stranka je zahvaljujući ambiciji očuvanja kako statusa najjače slovenske političke opcije tako i koalicijskoga potencijala za participaciju u vlasti, što je nudilo bolju perspektivu za postizanje vanjskopolitičkih ciljeva, ipak uspjela sačuvati organizacijsku cjelovitost. Istovremeno su se slovenski liberali, koji su za razliku od većine konzervativaca iskreno raširenih ruku dočekali Kraljevinu Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, fragmentirali na više stranaka. Tome je doprinijelo očekivanje da će se na slovenskim područjima, uslijed uključivanja u južnoslavensku državu, povećati manevarski prostor za jugoslavensko-unitarističke političke snage, stoga je dio liberala krenuo u osvajanje rubnih segmenata biračkoga tijela koje je prije pripadalo konzervativcima. Prosječni slovenski birač, međutim, nije bio sklon unitarizmu te je najbolji izborni rezultat ostvarila liberalna opcija koja je u predizborno vrijeme naglašavala slovensku autonomiju. Relativno dobar rezultat postiže socijaldemokratski pol, unutar kojega također dolazi do rascjepa. Dok su se reformisti u kritikama usmjeravali direktno na slovensku političku konkurenciju, komunisti se odcjepljuju i odlučuju za radikalniji nastup prema Srbiji. Slovensku narodnu stranku kritiziraju tek implicitno, štoviše preuzimaju i dio njezina predratnoga programa i time bez većega izravnog sukoba ulaze upravo u njezino biračko tijelo.
The paper investigates the objectives and strategies of Slovenian political groups during the period spanning from the
December 1 Act
of 1918 to the elections for the Constituent Assembly in November 1920. Despite shared external political goals among the Slovenian parties and their common ambition to participate in government on the domestic front, this period witnessed numerous internal divisions. Within the Slovenian National Party (Slovenska ljudska stranka – SLS), a rift emerged between critics of Greater Serbian policies and opportunists aiming for a post-election coalition with Serbian radicals (Narodna radikalna stranka). Despite the ambition of both preserving the status of the strongest Slovenian political option and using the coalition potential for government participation, which offered a better perspective for achieving foreign policy objectives, the party successfully preserved its organizational integrity. Simultaneously, the Slovenian liberals, who welcomed the Kingdom of SCS with enthusiasm unlike the majority of conservatives, experienced fragmentation into several parties. This was fuelled by the expectation that Slovenian inclusion in the South Slavic state would create more manoeuvring room in Slovenian territory for Yugoslav unitary political forces. Consequently, some liberals sought to capture the marginal segments of the electorate traditionally aligned with the conservatives. The average Slovenian voter, however, showed a reluctance towards unitarism, and the best electoral result was achieved by the liberal faction emphasizing Slovenian autonomy during the pre-election period. The social democratic pole achieved a relatively good result, even as it experienced internal division. Reformists directed their criticism at their Slovenian political competitors, while communists adopted a more radical approach towards Serbia. They criticized the SLS only implicitly and even absorbed segments of its pre-war program, penetrating its electorate without major direct conflict.
In the paper the author analyzed the citizenship norms in the Croatian-Slavonian area in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in the period from the formation of the state in 1918 to the first ...Citizenship Law of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, which entered into force on 1 November 1928. Based on practical examples the author analyzed the relevance of various groups of norms in citizenship cases. In doing so, the author analyzed the concept of Croatian-Slavonian citizenship law in the new state, further application of abolished norms in administrative practice and application of Serbian citizenship law and other norms in the Croatian-Slavonian area. Based on the analyzed sources the author pointed out the competition of various norms and concluded that the normative complexity significantly complicated the process of standardization of citizenship law in the Croatian-Slavonian area. In addition, the author argues for a reformulation of the current understanding of the citizenship setting, which presupposes initial validity of citizenship norms enacted before 1 December of 1918 and their gradual change with new citizenship norms enacted over the following ten years. Instead, the author argues that this was only dominant practice, which was in a number of cases faced with other normativities that represented competitive solutions.
Autori donose
prijepis programskog teksta istaknutog pripadnika Demokratske stranke
slavonsko-srijemskog prostora, odvjetnika i (kako se tada govorilo) kraljevskog
javnog bilježnika u Slatini Zdravka ...Kovačevića. U njemu se iznose razmišljanja
o ključnom unutarnjem političkom problemu Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca,
nezadovoljstvu Hrvata novonastalim stanjem, s posebnim naglaskom na ideologiju
jugoslavenskog unitarizma. Protkana su (zbog slabe očuvanosti stranačkog i
drugog arhivskog gradiva) vrijednim (i u historiografiji uglavnom zanemarenim)
osobnim iskustvima koja je Kovačević imao u prvim godinama političkog
djelovanja u novoj državi. Dokument je popraćen temeljnim podatcima o samom
Kovačeviću i kraćom analizom teksta, kao i motivima kojima je potaknut te
reakcijama na nj.
The authors have provided a copy of the party programme of the lawyer and, as he was referred to at the time, royal notary Zdravko Kovačević in Slatina, a distinguished member of the Democratic Party in the Slavonian-Syrmian area. The text provides reflections on the crucial inner political issue of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, the discontent of the Croats with the new conditions, with special emphasis on the ideology of Yugoslav unitarism. They are (due to the poor state of preservation of party political and other archival records) interwoven with Kovačević’s valuable (but mostly disregarded in historiography) personal experience during the first years of his political activities in the new state. The document also provides basic information about Kovačević as well as a brief analysis of the text, his
motives and the reactions to it.
This paper aims to bring to the public one of the most important moments in the history of modern times of Albania. After the Albanian independence on 28 November 1912 and international recognition ...of Albanian state July 1913, in 1919-1920, many national and international events unraveled which initially posed a real danger for Albania to become an independent state. The Paris Peace Conference, organized after the First World War by the Great Powers which win the war, and in which 27 winning states took part, became the real world center of that time. The Albanian point of view was headed directly at this Conference, with the hope to gain its independence and to win the right of self determination for its people. The main issues of the Conference were: border correction, especially in the southern part of Albania, relations between the Balkan states regarding Albania, the position of Italy, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and the position of Greece over Albania, and the real threat of secret pact during the First World War and the new role of American President, Woodrow Wilson. This paper also aims to bring the attitude of the Albanian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference and the position of Italy, France, Great Britain and Greece.
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