We investigate the effects of populist messages that (a) stress the centrality of “ordinary” people, (b) shift blame to the “corrupt” elites, or (c) combine people centrality and antielitist cues on ...3 dimensions of populist attitudes: anti-elitism, homogeneous people, and popular sovereignty. We conducted an extensive 15-country experiment in which we manipulated populist communication as social identity frames (N = 7,271). Multilevel analyses demonstrate that messages stressing the centrality of the ordinary people activate all dimensions of populist attitudes. In contrast, anti-elite messages activate anti-elitism attitudes only for those individuals with lower levels of education and extreme positions on the ideological left–right spectrum. Our findings suggest that populist political communication plays a key role in activating populist attitudes across Europe.
As a way of human-computer interaction, game-based assessment is more suitable for young children because it is situational, interesting, and effective. National identity is an important factor ...affecting the overall development of young children and the future development of a country, which has attracted extensive attention from researchers. Nevertheless, the assessment of young children's national identity is still based on traditional evaluation, including questionnaires and interviews, which have the limitations of being inaccurate, dull, and time-consuming. To understand the characteristics of children's national identity, it is necessary to use scientific and interactive assessment methods. The present study investigated whether the game-based assessment we developed specifically would be an appropriate tool to measure young children's national identity. The results show that the game-based assessment had good item discrimination. Exploratory factor analysis demonstrated the game covered three aspects: national cognition mastery, national emotion engagement, and national behavior tendency. The confirmatory factor analysis suggested that the model with three factors fit the data well. The internal consistency, the split-half reliability, and the test-retest reliability meet standards. Overall, the results indicated that this game can be successfully used to assess young children's national identity with acceptable validity and reliability. Our study provides strong evidence for the use of human-computer interaction in child measurement. These findings are the first to demonstrate the promise of game-based assessment in assessing children's national identity reliably and effectively.
This essay analyses the Calabrian diaspora in Argentina and the ways in which these different communities preserve a sense of belonging by organizing festivals and religious processions. This serve ...to renew a symbolic tie with their place of origin and with those family members left behind in Calabria and to create a sort of alternative space for social, economic, and political ends, allowing the group to maintain its identity within the host-country. Within this process certain elements, more than others, are invested with a precisely defined symbolic value and thereby become veritable symbols for a shared identity. In this sense, the dance of the tarantella within the Argentine context, plays a very important role and contribute to the rhetorical strategies of construction/display of Calabrian identity.
In many documents left behind by recent white domestic terrorists we see the re-emergence of a national identity that fuses people and land. From Christchurch to El Paso, old articulations "the ...people" which came to a head most famously in the Nazi sense of the volk and the politics of blood and soil are today resurfacing. This article traces the broad contours of this politics that fuses ethnos and ecos in order to morally justify political exclusion, genocide, and today terrorism via mass shooting.
This article deals with the role of Hey’at Naadam (Key’at Naadam) in the process of creating national identity of Tsengel Tuvans (Altay Tuvans) living mainly as nomads in Western Mongolia. Naadam is ...the traditional festival celebrated as a national holiday every year in July across Mongolia. Tsengel Tuvans are Lamaist Buddhists in religion and a different ethnic and cultural identity than the Muslim Kazakhs in the region. Tsengel Tuvans, whose ethnic and cultural identities were not accepted before, started to exist in the region with their own national identities after 1990s. This was a reflection of Perestroika that began in the Soviet Union in the mid-1980s. As a result, Tsengel Tuvans used the traditional Mongolian festival Naadam as a model for the process of creating a national identity through the "common past" and the "revival of the myth". However, this new process has highlighted the “permanent borders” between the Tsengel Tuvans and teh Kazakh people in this region.
Liberal nationalists argue that identification with the nation promotes feelings of mutual obligation, including support for redistribution. Existing attempts to test this hypothesis have focused on ...whether the higher sense of national identity among the majority increases support redistribution. We argue for a twofold shift in focus. First, beyond the majority’s own national identity, we need to explore their perceptions of whether minorities share this identity. Second, we need to shift from one-dimensional ideals of ‘identity’ to more complex ideas of attachment and commitment. Do members of the majority view minorities as committed to the nation and willing to make sacrifices for it? Drawing on a custom-designed online survey in Canada, we show that three salient out-groups (Aboriginal peoples, French-speaking Canadians and immigrants) are seen by majority respondents as less committed to Canada, and that this is a powerful predictor of support for general and inclusive redistribution.
This article demonstrates the value of rhetorical audience studies for analysing constructions of ‘the nation’ and national identity. A key strength of this approach is its recognition of the ...interplay between the rhetorical situation, the text of the speech, and the audience’s responses to that rhetoric. Using the historical method for investigating rhetoric and its reception, the article examines Theresa May’s efforts to bring the nation together after the 2016 referendum and to offer an inspiring vision of post-Brexit Britain. A textual analysis shows that her rhetoric of Britishness was constructed around an imagined audience of Leave voters, and thus excluded Remainers from her conceptions of Britain and ‘the British people’. The audience reception study supports this finding, as it reveals two competing myths of ‘the nation’ which in turn constituted rival subject positions. In short, May’s epideictic failed to unite the country behind her conception of a strong, cohesive Global Britain.
Este ensayo pone en relieve el rol ejercido por las revistas ilustradas (magazines) en Chile durante las primeras décadas del siglo XX, en la configuración de imaginarios nacionales circulantes en el ...país. Estas revistas habrían transmitido una idea e imagen de un país con ciertas caracteristicas excepcionales dentro de la órbita latinoamericana, aspectos que no solo habrían marcado profundamente aspectos idiosincráticos de la comunidad nacional, sino que también habrían impactado en la forma cómo esta comunidad comenzaría a relacionarse con los medios de comunicación y sus formatos de representación de la realidad.
National identity education is a form of education that fosters a stable sense of national identity among citizens and plays a crucial role in the sustainable development of the country. However, ...with the deepening of economic globalisation and cultural pluralism, pre-service teachers, in their dual roles as school students and prospective teachers, have encountered challenges in practicing their intention to implement national identity education. This study constructed a model of influencing pre-service teachers’ intention to implement national identity education based on the theory of planned behaviour (TPB) and the cognitive evaluation theory (CET) with the aim of explaining and analysing the development path of pre-service teachers’ educational intentions. The model was validated using PLS-SEM and fsQCA on data from 280 pre-service teachers in teacher training colleges in northern China. The PLS-SEM results indicated that subjective norms, relatedness need, and study resources directly and positively influenced pre-service teachers’ educational intentions, and study resources could also indirectly influence educational intentions through subjective norms and a need for relatedness. The fsQCA results indicated that a single variable was unable to predict and explain educational intentions. A total of five ways of influencing educational intentions emerged from the group analysis. Based on the pre-service teachers’ propensity to demand learning resources and their competence, pre-service teachers were categorised into four types—basic development pathway, internally driven pathway, competence-driven pathway and resource-supported pathway—and recommendations were made according to the degree of reliance on resources of different types of pre-service teachers as a way of providing theoretical and data support for the sustainable development of the country.
Aim
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The purpose of this article is to assess the impact on the identity of the "Russian Germans" of this community positioning in the German media.
Methodology
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The work’s methodology is based on ...a combination of classical content analysis with elements of comparative and structural analysis. The empirical base of the study was a pool of 232 publications from 6 national media of Germany (Deutsche Welle, Spiegel, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Frankfurter Rundschau, Handelsblat and Bild) for 2021, formed in random sample order.
Results.
The author comes to the conclusion that there is a trend towards the stigmatization of "Russian Germans” in the German mass media. The latter are labeled as bearers of values and behaviors labeled as alien to the majority of the population. They are simultaneously trying to position this diaspora as a "fifth column" acting in the interests of Russia within the framework of the European Union and the Russian Federation. At the same time, the distance between the “Russian Germans” and the bulk of the German population is estimated to be smaller than in the case of the Albanian, Turkish, Afghan and Syrian diasporas. "Russians" are less frequently present in media materials as a source of an everyday threat (in the role of criminals or terrorists). Also, they are distinguished from the "Asian" and Albanian diasporas by the presence of a greater similarity with the native population in terms of appearance and behavior patterns. The distance is also shortened by the similarity of "Russian Germans" with the traditional "internal dissidents" – immigrants from the GDR who failed to fully integrate into the new society. Due to this, the German media contribute to the preservation of the separate identity of the "Russian Germans". But the image of the phantom threat from the "Russian Germans" formed by the mass media is not as bright as in the case of other "dangerous diasporas". This prevents the allocation of Germans who came from the former Soviet republics into an independent category in the form of "important others".
Research implications
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The results obtained became the basis for the development of practical recommendations for the Russian authorities on building communication with the "Russian Germans” community in Germany. It was emphasized that a dialogue with it should be built within the framework of the implementation of a comprehensive program covering both migrants from the post-Soviet space and people from the former GDR. The stigmatization of “Russian Germans” and immigrants from East Germany in the German media should be widely reported in the Russian-language mass media of Germany and niche communities in social networks. This will help consolidate these groups and turn them into a social base for opposition to anti-Russian forces in the German elites. The negative image of the "Russian Germans" as the "fifth column of Moscow" can be destroyed by a large-scale promotion of depoliticized elements of "soft power", and move all, by products of popular culture.
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