Rómarétturinn hefur alltaf verið fastur partur af lögfræðináminu í Háskólanum á Akureyri frá stofnun lagadeildarinnar árið 2003. En hér skarar þessi háskóla fram úr öllum háskólum á Íslandi enda eina ...menntasetrið hérlendis þar sem Rómarétturinn er kenndur. Kennslan fer fram á ensku með tilliti til erlendra námsmanna. Að fyrstu kennsluári sínu loknu fannst þeim sem þetta ritar hins vegar ágætis tækifæri til að búa til orðasafn á íslensku yfir helstu hugtökum Rómaréttarins enda hafa flestir námsmenn ekki stundað latínu á menntaskólaárum sínum. Orðalistinn er langt frá því að vera fullkominn og er reyndar „work in progress“. Stefnt er að því að gefa aðeins yfirlit yfir þau hugtök sem fjallað var um í kennslunni. Stuðst var m.a. við tveggja binda ritið „Rómaveldi“ (1963/64) eftir Will Durant í íslenskri þýðingu Jónasar Kristjánssonar, sem og lögfræðiorðasafn íðorðabanka stofnunar Árna Magnússonar í íslenskum fræðum (→ Íðorðabankinn / arnastofnun.is).
The past few years have seen a renewed interest about Roman law on gambling. Combining literary and legal sources, we are now able to reconstruct the interventions of the legislator from the ...Republican age to the Justianian reign. But what do we know about the real force of the laws? By analyzing the distribution of gambling in Pompeii (namely dice and knucklebones) we can appreciate the real impact of the law in the context of a Roman city during the early Imperial age.
Die Stipulation ist eine der bemerkenswertesten Vertragstypen des römischen Rechts. Sie kam zustande, indem der Gläubiger eine Frage formulierte und der Schuldner diese Frage durch die Wiederholung ...des Verbs bejahte, welches der Gläubiger verwendet hatte. Inhaltlich war eine Stipulation meistens auf die Zahlung von Geld gerichtet. Manchmal verpflichtete sich der Schuldner auch zu anderen Handlungen. In die Stipulationsfrage konnte der Stipulator eine dritte Person hinzufügen, indem er nach der Nennung seiner eigenen Person, die regelmäßig mit dem Personalpronomen mihi geschah, die Konjunktion aut und dahinter den Dritten im Dativ anfügte. Diese dritte Person wird in der Literatur gewöhnlich in Anlehnung an den spätklassischen Juristen Marcian als solutionis causa adiectus oder adiectus solutionis causa bezeichnet. Der solutionis causa adiectus erwarb kein eigenes Recht auf den geschuldeten Gegenstand der Stipulation. An ihn konnte lediglich mit befreiender Wirkung geleistet werden. Gleichzeitig konnte der Gläubiger dem Schuldner ohne dessen Zustimmung die Befugnis nicht mehr entziehen, an den adiectus wirksam zu leisten, sobald die adiectio wirksam vereinbart war. Der Autor untersucht alle überlieferten Quellenstellen, die einen Bezug zu dem solutionis causa adiectus haben und zeichnet damit erstmals ein umfassendes Bild dieser Rechtsfigur.
This article concerns the identity and role of the C. Helvidius Priscus who is named in CIL IX, 2827 as an
in a boundary dispute. After examining the inscription itself, I proceed to examine the ...implications of the mechanism of
in the Roman judicatory system, and the possibility of a high-ranking Roman serving in such a role. The seemingly discrepancy between a high-ranking Roman and the role of a land surveyor is resolved hereby by juxtaposing it twice: once with the precedent of high-ranking surveyors in the agrarian bill of Rullus; and secondly, by reading it in the context of
contracts.
À Rome, la dignité était au cœur de la hiérarchie civique. Dès lors, les citoyens qui ne répondaient plus aux attentes liées à leur rang étaient déclassés et perdaient certains droits. Devenus ...infâmes, ils jouissaient désormais d’une citoyenneté amoindrie. Ce livre est consacré à ces formes de dégradations civiques prononcées par un représentant de la cité et pour un motif moral. Le choix de la prosopographie (catalogue disponible en ligne) ainsi que d’une approche globale et diachronique a permis de proposer une synthèse renouvelée sur l’infamie. Cela passe d’abord par une étude d’ensemble des peines infamantes de la discipline militaire et surtout du regimen morum des censeurs. On saisit ainsi combien ces spectacles du déshonneur caractérisaient la culture politique romaine et contribuaient à définir le mos maiorum, tandis que le problème des candidats aux élections déboutés pour indignité en dessine les limites. Se pose ensuite la question des peines prescrites par les lois pénales et des réglementations écartant de diverses fonctions (témoins, juges, décurions…) certaines catégories de citoyens méprisés de longue date, comme les acteurs, les gladiateurs, ou les prostitués. Cette analyse dévoile un phénomène de juridicisation de l’infamie amorcé à partir du IIe siècle avant J.‑C. Mais l’on ne peut se passer d’un examen des infâmes eux-mêmes : leurs origines, leur situation et les possibilités de sortir de leur condition. L’étude des formes d’infamie révèle ainsi en négatif la définition du bonus ciuis et les attentes des Romains envers leurs dirigeants. La question de l’évaluation morale du citoyen dans la société d’ordres qu’était Rome conduit à une histoire de la citoyenneté romaine sur la longue durée : c’est donc une réflexion sur le caractère méritocratique de la hiérarchie civique et sur le mode de légitimation de l’aristocratie qui est proposée ici.
Were legal systems in the Roman empire conducive to economic growth and development? Were legal rules and procedure changed in response to economic needs? This book offers detailed studies to provide ...some answers to these basic questions.
Roman Law in the State of Nature offers a new interpretation of the foundations of Hugo Grotius' natural law theory. Surveying the significance of texts from classical antiquity, Benjamin Straumann ...argues that certain classical texts, namely Roman law and a specifically Ciceronian brand of Stoicism, were particularly influential for Grotius in the construction of his theory of natural law. The book asserts that Grotius, a humanist steeped in Roman law, had many reasons to employ Roman tradition and explains how Cicero's ethics and Roman law - secular and offering a doctrine of the freedom of the high seas - were ideally suited to provide the rules for Grotius' state of nature. This fascinating new study offers historians, classicists and political theorists a fresh account of the historical background of the development of natural rights, natural law and of international legal norms as they emerged in seventeenth-century early modern Europe.
This paper studies the meaning of the term species in Justinian’s Digest. It considers the uniqueness to the jurisprudential meaning of this concept in the works of the classical Roman jurists and ...how this meaning rivals that of the theory of forms derived from dialectical and classificatory methods found in Greek philosophy. The paper, offering a reading of fragments of the Digest, argues that the word species refers there to the product of a casuistic approach to jurisprudence, interested in the ‘juridical morphology’ of cases as well as objects. Such species are shown to ‘repeal’ rather than reproduce the taxonomy of general laws and generic classes, pursuing a thought that is at odds with the aim of a ‘general’ jurisprudence. It is hoped that this paper may help point to new approaches to studying the relationship between legal institution and the life sciences, drawing attention to the limitation for legal thought in a dominant biological understanding of the species-concept.
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