Approximately 8,000 boys and men were killed in the 1995 Srebrenica genocide. The victims were disappeared, killed and buried in secret mass graves. In this article, I examine how forensic ...anthropologists, demographers and forensic geneticists produced technolegal knowledge about the number of victims in the wake of the genocide; how those numbers were validated in legal proceedings against those held responsible; and, finally, how some have tried to destabilize the numbers in attempts to deny that a genocide was committed. While numbers, and the larger category of knowledge, take centre stage in the discussion, I use Srebrenica’s aftermath to introduce the concept of ontologically dirty knots, which is an analytical and methodological innovation that enables us to produce scholarly accounts of events, such as the Srebrenica genocide, that are characterized partly by secrecy, partly by controversy and partly by materiality. It ties together meaning and materiality, signals a process that continues to evolve, and suggests that narratives about what happened are the results of entanglements, action and friction that can be undone. In these respects, the article addresses current discussions on actor-network theory within critical security studies.
The process of the settlement Sulice modern Bosniak families origin and development is possible to observe, based on the available historical sources, only in 19th century. The main data sources were ...the male population census of Kaza Srebrenica from 1850/51, and the first entries of owners in land registers of Srebrenica district in 1894. By comparing the data from the sources above, as well as from the population census of 1991, it was possible to establish continuity of settlement and development of Sulice families in this part of Srebrenica municipality. In the Sulice population census from 1850/51 the following last names are mentioned: Behramović, Bejan, Bejanović, Haskić, Hodžić, Huremović, Kandžetović, Kumović, Smajić, Spahić and Šulić. By the first entries in land registers of 1894 for the cadastral municipality of Sulice a large number of last names is stated, the most common of which are: Abdurahmanović (Hadžihafizbegović), Ademović, Aljkanović, Avdić, Bajramović, Beganović, Begić, Begović, Bektić, Burić, Bumbulović, Čivić (Rešić), Delić, Dudić, Džananović, Džanić, Džinović, Efendić, Fočak, Fržina, Gurda, Gurdić, Halilbašić, Hasanović, Hasić, Haskić, Hodžić, Huseinović, Husić, Ibišević, Ibrahimović, Idrizović, Imširović, Jahić (Kadrić), Junuzagić, Kadrić, Kajmaković, Kovačević, Kuleša, Lemeš, Lolić, Mahmutović, Mandžić, Mašić, Mehić, Mehmedović, Mehmedović (Silajdžić), Mehanović, Meholjić (Mehanović), Mešić, Mostarac (Dženetić), Muhić (Mujić), Musić, Mustafić, Nuhanović, Nukić, Nukić (Begović), Okanović, Omerović, Osmanović (Kavazović), Osmanović (Selimović), Palalić, Pašagić, Pinjić (Čikarić), Pitarević, Prijepoljac, Ramić, Rustanbegović, Salihović, Selmanagić, Selimović, Siručić (Salihović), Smajlović, Suljić, Sumbulović, Šarvan, Šećić, Šehić, Šolić (Šulić), Špijodić, Tanković, Tepić, Ustić, Uzunović, Vranjkovina, Zildžić, Zimić, Zulo (Agičević). Only those families who lived in the Sulice settlement in the second half of the 19th century have been researched in this paper. Those are the following families: Abdurahmanovićs (Hadžihafizbegović), Alićs, Aljkanovićs, Avdićs, Bajramovićs (Behramović), Begovićs, Bejans, Bejanovićs, Bektićs, Burićs, Džinovićs, Haskićs, Hodžićs, Huseinovićs, Imširovićs, Kadrićs, Kandžetovićs, Kulešas, Mehanovićs (Kandžetović), Mujkićs, Musićs, Mustafićs (Dervanović), Mustafićs (Spahić), Nuhanovićs, Nukićs, Osmanovićs (Selimović), Pejmanovićs, Sahadžićs, Selimovićs (Huremović), Selimovićs (Kumović), Smajlovićs, Suljićs (Smajić), Šarvans, Šolićs and Špijodićs. Most male members who had been listed in 1850/51 census in the Sulice settlement had their descendants, either male or female, who continued their family, i.e. genetic lineage, thus preserving their family and genetic heritage. Some families, such as Alićs, Abdurahmanovićs, Haskićs, Kadrićs, Kandžetovićs, Mehanovićs, Nuhanovićs, Selimovićs, etc. were more numerous than others, due to either greater natural increase or less emigration outside the Sulice settlement. However, it was not possible to research the impact of migration on the overall Sulice population growth because it was not a part of the official policy of neither Ottoman nor Austro-Hungarian Empire. On the contrary, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy made an effort to minimize the extent of Muslim emigration from Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from 1879 to 1918 because this did not work in its favour considering the commitments it had made during the Berlin Congress in 1878. It is important to note that most male members of the Sulice settlement families, who had been listed in 1850/51 census, took their family name (last name) at the end of the 19th century or at the beginning of the 20th century because it was mandatory during the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, while during the Ottoman Empire rule it was not. The phenomenon of formation of family names (last names) for the wider area of the Osat region was not specifically researched, thus not in this paper either, because the topic of this paper has been to research the process of formation of the individual families in the Sulice settlement in the second half of the 19th century. Based on this this process it is possible to notice that most families, who have a common ancestor, kept their common family name, i.e. last name.
The dynamic nature of reporting requires journalists to interrogate their emotions as well as their sense of professionalism. This article focuses on the complex relationship between emotionality and ...professionalism mediated by journalists who reported on cases of genocide. This extraordinary conflict situation provides a unique lens from which to explore the personal and professional resolve of journalists. Utilising interviews with UK journalists that reported on genocides in Rwanda and Srebrenica, this article develops a framework which characterises journalistic emotional labour as distinct, multi-faceted and somewhat contradictory. While participants described reporting as a focused, professional process in which emotions were silenced, the instinctual element and residual emotional toll associated with reporting on genocide demonstrates emotionality was not entirely absent. This article therefore provides a future template from which to explore emotional labour as part of a transformative relationship between journalists’ emotionality and professionalism.
Augm. and rev. transl. of : Srebrenica 1995 : analyses croisées des enquêtes et des rapports (Cultures & Conflits N° 65). The contributions focus on the meaning of writing the history of an event of ...such gravity, on the identification of criminal, political and moral liabilities and on the construction of a public debate on foreign policy issues. halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00207966
In the last 20 years, Bosnia-Herzegovina has witnessed the creation of a grand narrative about the Srebrenica genocide. Affecting perceptions, renditions, and understandings of this event, this grand ...narrative promotes a specific meaning and interpretation of the war in Bosnia and of Bosniak suffering. Thanks to the grand narrative, particular tropes of the story of the Srebrenica genocide have come to the fore in its commemoration, also affecting the existing artistic memorial works. In this article, I trace the effects of the grand narrative on commemorative music dedicated to the Srebrenica genocide by focusing on the oratorio “Srebrenički Inferno.” By analyzing the oratorio in relation to the grand narrative, I argue that this musical piece is not only influenced by, but also helps to maintain and reinforce, this dominant story about the genocide that represents an important segment of politically advantageous official collective memory and history of the war and genocide among Bosniaks.
This research examines the way in which the collective memory of the 1990s conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina has been established and preserved at the memorial to genocide at Srebrenica. Based on ...extensive fieldwork at the site and in other regions of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the study explores the ways in which gender is represented at Srebrenica in the narratives and texts that commemorate Serbian aggression against Bosnian Muslim populations. Within the structures of memory that Srebrenica represents, the findings reveal the ways in which fathers and sons are recalled as victims of Serbian genocide and the importance of maternal tropes of memory for post-war nation building. Furthermore, the study reveals the absence of a rape discourse in the memorialization of war and genocide in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the challenges of commemorating sexual atrocities in the aftermath of mass trauma. The work that is presented here contributes to the emerging literature on gender and collective memory and the ways in which women’s experiences are represented in structures of memorialization.
The Bosnian War elicited a substantial number of poetic responses from Irish poets, writing in both English and in Irish. This article focuses on one frequently anthologized poem in particular, ...namely the poem 'Dubh' 'Black' by Nuala Ní Dhomhnaill, written on the fall of Srebrenica, 11 July 1995. A close reading of this poem is set in the context of both the United Nations response to the war in Bosnia and the Irish government's response. Relevant legal instruments and sources of international law are referenced to illuminate those aspects of the poem that evidence a penetrating analysis of events in Srebrenica. This article contends that poetry that responds to human rights violations should not be understood in terms of empathy and affect alone; such poetry can fulfil an analytical function that serves to hold the human rights regime itself to account.
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