The Bolshevik trade union debate of 1921 could be seen as a semi-parliamentary practice both in its form and content. Various groups and platforms participated in this discussion, using it as a ...tribune for spreading their views among the members of the party. This article examines the course of the discussion in the Petrograd party organization: especially, its form, representation, and the conflicts that it produced. Petrograd Bolsheviks saw the discussion not only as a space for a free circulation of opinions but also as a place for propaganda and political conflict. During debates, both of the rival platforms in the city (the supporters of Vladimir Lenin and the supporters of Lev Trotskii) tried to impugn the actions of each other. The party press also acted not as an impartial observer of the controversy but actively formatted a vision of the domination of Lenin's adherents in the discussion. Such a process brought discussions in the Bolshevik party close to the practice of a parliamentary debate, and produced a situation that I term 'semi-parliamentarism in one party'.
Although the Jungles had begun their struggle against Tsarist Russia, among the foreign powers, the British had a direct and indirect influence on their military, political, and ideological ...orientations. This effect, especially after the agreement to leave the jungle conflict with the British military forces in August 1297 AH. It became more noticeable. Because the terms of the Jungle treaty with the British military show that they had accepted a military defeat by Dunsterforce, the jungle was forced to expel German and Ottoman forces from the jungle, leading to an ideological turnaround. It appeared in the body of the movement, because from the summer of 1297 AH. The position of the Islamic Union was weakened, and less than six months later, with the separation of some of the right-wing figures of the movement, the young forest forces became more inclined towards the Bolsheviks. Although the British did not openly cause these developments, they were the result of their presence in Gilan and the pressure of Vosough al-Dawla on the movement. These events left Kuchak Khan alone with the figures he relied on to organize the jungle movement. After these events, the movement inadvertently took a course that was in the interests of the British. The question of the present article is, what measures did the British take to pave the way for the intellectual, political and military weakness of the jungle movement?
"When the Bolsheviks set out to build a new world in the wake of the Russian Revolution, they expected religion to die off. Soviet power used a variety of tools--from education to propaganda to ...terror--to turn its vision of a Communist world without religion into reality. Yet even with its monopoly on ideology and power, the Soviet Communist Party never succeeded in overcoming religion and creating an atheist society.A Sacred Space Is Never Empty presents the first history of Soviet atheism from the 1917 revolution to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. Drawing on a wealth of archival material and in-depth interviews with those who were on the front lines of Communist ideological campaigns, Victoria Smolkin argues that to understand the Soviet experiment, we must make sense of Soviet atheism. Smolkin shows how atheism was reimagined as an alternative cosmology with its own set of positive beliefs, practices, and spiritual commitments. Through its engagements with religion, the Soviet leadership realized that removing religion from the "sacred spaces" of Soviet life was not enough. Then, in the final years of the Soviet experiment, Mikhail Gorbachev--in a stunning and unexpected reversal--abandoned atheism and reintroduced religion into Soviet public life.A Sacred Space Is Never Empty explores the meaning of atheism for religious life, for Communist ideology, and for Soviet politics."-- Provided by publisher
France emerged victorious from the First World War, but had to face complex international problems of regional, ideological and military nature. Its former ally, Tsarist Russia, which ...represented a counterweight to the defeated but powerful Germany, was in the midst of a civil war, in which the Bolsheviks prevailed and began to declare the necessity of exporting the revolution to Western European countries. As a result, the Red Army, which advanced westward, clashed with the newly established Polish state, which was completely dependent on the Western countries. For the Poles, this was a struggle with both communism and the perennial Russian imperialism. The Western countries helped Poland, especially France, which was seen as the real wall of Western Europe against the Bolsheviks and their communist ideology, and the assistance provided by the French army contributed to some extent to the victory of the Polish Republic, but the Paris government was contradictory regarding the disputed regional issues. To appreciate the nature of this French - Russian - Polish "triangle", it must be seen in a larger historical context in which the Poles were never an equal partner to the French. Received 6/6/2023, Accepted 5/8/2023 , Published 30/9/2023.
Nach der Oktoberrevolution in Russland beschritt Georgien den Weg zur Selbstständigkeit. Das Deutsche Kaiserreich wurde im Mai 1918 zum Verbündeten des neuen Staates. In der auf den Ruinen der ...Oktoberrevolution entstandenen georgischen Republik galt Deutschland als Repräsentant der europäischen Zivilisation. Georgische Nationalisten hatten schon seit 1914 mit den militärischen Stellen Deutschlands zusammengearbeitet, um einen Aufstand gegen Russland im Kaukasus zu inszenieren. Nach der Machtübernahme der Bolschewiki in Russland unterstützte die politische Elite Georgiens die Abspaltung von Moskau und eine deutsche militärische Intervention in Georgien, um die Jungtürken ebenso wie die Bolschewiki zurückzuhalten. Für Berlin stellte die Annäherung an Tiflis eine Voraussetzung für seine orientalischen Bestrebungen dar. Giorgi Astamadze analysiert erstmals vertieft die Verhältnisse im Südkaukasus während dieser Zeit.
Brendan McGeever's book on Antisemitism in the Russian Revolution provides an analysis of Soviet response to "Red Antisemitism" - the involvement of some Bolsheviks in the pogroms of the Civil War. ...McGeever's analysis provides insights that are relevant to contemporary anti-racist praxis, and particularly to response antisemitism on the left. Antisemitism, in 2021, takes place radically different set of material entanglements than in 1919, and it offers significantly different challenges. Antisemitism is not only a potential lynchpin between left wing and right-wing populism; the struggle against antisemitism is a contested terrain which is claimed by both the left and the right, as antisemitism is set apart from, and sometimes against, other conversations of racism and anti-racism. Even in these very different circumstances, McGeever's insights appear valid: understanding antisemitism as a threat to the left is crucial; as is the role of Jewish activists in leading the struggle against it.