This article discusses the continuity between cosmopolitan collaboration and wartime collaborationism from 1932–1941 by exploring the Chinese Maritime Customs Service (CMCS) and its international ...staff. The CMCS managed China’s international trade and directed the custom houses in northern China before 1937, and in occupied China and free China from 1937–1941. The customs revenues generated by this international trade were pledged to service China’s international obligations. This article argues that both Chinese and Japanese staff members’ activities to maintain the status quo could be considered as wartime collaborationism from the perspectives of Japan, Manchukuo, and the Collaborationist and Chongqing governments, but all parties tolerated their activities until the outbreak of the Pacific War. The reason for this was that all parties benefitted from the CMCS’s management of international trade and its implementation of international obligations which had existed since the mid-nineteenth century. This article situates wartime collaborationism within the long-existing institutional network that was welcomed as cosmopolitan collaboration in the prewar, wartime, and postwar periods, rather than treating it as a unique wartime setup and ideology. Such a view also illuminates the postwar exchange of personnel and cooperation among former enemies, which grew out of prewar collaboration and wartime collaborationism.
This study investigates the personality traits and motivations of collaborationists with Russian invaders in Ukraine. A focus group of individuals who knew collaborationists personally identified 14 ...collaborationism motives (CMs), which were used to interview 104 probation clients convicted of collaborationism. The study utilized the five-factor model developed by Costa and McCrae to evaluate individual characteristics. Categorical principal component analysis (CATPCA) reduced the 14 CMs to three dimensions: pragmatism, adaptation, and fear. The study found that individual factors promoting collaborationism included pragmatism, ideological adaptation to changing realities, and fear stemming from threats to the life and health of an individual and/or their relatives. The study provides insights into the psychology of collaborationism, which can be useful in designing resocialization programs during the probation period of collaborationists.
At the end of the 20th century, the perception of peoples and states on their own past changed profoundly in the Balkans as well, with major geopolitical changes. Its processing and ...instrumentalization are encouraged by the complex permeation of the global relationship between national and ideological forces and local ruling interests. Every political and ideological victory, "must find its legitimate stronghold in the past." The disintegration of the ideological paradigm and the Yugoslav state union was accompanied by a balancing of the past from the outside, in accordance with the interests of the time and dominant politics, the accelerated construction of new national identities, the outbreak of a "civil war between different memories", the reversal of consciousness. These processes in the post-Yugoslav countries, in "transitional historiography", along with the new "reduction of totality", led to "retraditionalization", to the problematic waves of historical revisionism especially related to the Second World War, the correction of the so-called historical injustices, normalization of collaborationism, nationalization and relativization of the notion of anti-fascism. National historiographies in these countries have made a turn from the former glorification of the People's Liberation Movement (NOP) to its relativization, as part of the general trend of radical "re-nationalization". None of them carried out such a "thorough confrontation with the anti-fascism" of the NOP as Serbia. Numerous historians, with the participation of parascientific formations, give legitimacy to constructions of devaluing the anti-fascist legacy and rehabilitating Quisling forces. The falsification of history has also led to the relativization of their responsibility at the expense of those who have in part confirmed themselves as anti-fascists. Revanchist historiography imposes alternative truths. There is a real consensus on the definition of "good" nationalism, which for many is "elementary patriotism". Various nationalist currents are portrayed as anti-fascist. The collaborationist forces defeated in 1945 became "misunderstood victims of historical destiny." Their actions are placed in the context of their anti-communism, promoted in reasonable national politics. Derogating from anti-fascism also led to "anti-anti-fascism". He relativizes the crimes of fascists and collaborators, re-evaluates victims and executioners. It is not common practice for "historical truths" to be written in parliaments and promulgated by law, as has happened in Serbia. Courts and parliaments cannot valorize someone’s historical role. Historical science can do that. Revisionism is based on selective forgetting and the construction of a "desirable history", it is "a reworking of the past carried by clear or covert intentions to justify narrower national or political goals." The obvious expression is "political culture in a society, that is, it speaks of the dominant political value orientations in it". Judicial rehabilitation is understood as an ideological and political measure of revision of history. A distinction should be made between the individual rehabilitation of innocent victims of persecution by the authorities after 1945 and a light revision of history. The political and ideological aspects of rehabilitation, with the support of the media and the pseudo-legal mechanism, include manipulating a number of topics to delegitimize the system that changed social, economic, political and national relations after 1945 - characteristic of monarchist Yugoslavia. In revisionist historiography, communists are treated as opponents of Serbian national interests ("red devils"), intruders in national history, and the socialist revolution as an excess. With the adoption of certain laws and the application of a whole arsenal of rhetorical means and concealment of a number of historical facts, the notion of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement in Ravna Gora was especially reworked, neglecting and relativizing his criminal practice, to make this "new anti-fascist" side a desirable "pre-communist ancestor". "authorities. This collaborationist movement is also relieved through anti-communism, it is marked as patriotic and anti-totalitarian. His rehabilitation in Serbia has multiple meanings and consequences in its social life, but also in regional relations.
The article is devoted to the characteristics of the main challenges of the war for the development of Ukrainian society and the state and responses to them in the field of criminal law policy ...formation and implementation. The purpose of the article is to provide a systemic characterization of the changes that have taken place in the Criminal Code of Ukraine since February 24, 2022 and are aimed at responding to challenges related to martial law, as well as determining their necessity, sufficiency, and adequacy.
The empirical basis of the study is made up of the materials of 225 court verdicts for the commission of criminal offenses provided for by Articles 111, 111-1, 111-2, 114-2, 436-2, 438 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, as well as the results of expert assessments and surveys of 92 employees of pre-trial investigation bodies of the National of the police, 35 employees of the prosecutor’s office, 30 investigators of the Security Service of Ukraine in Kharkiv, Odesa and Zaporizhzhia regions. The analysis of these sources made it possible to identify and describe the existing problems of criminal law regulation of social relations in a number of spheres, which have been exposed to the greatest negative influence since the beginning of the full-scale war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine.
A description and explanation of the main and indirect threats associated with the full-scale armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine is provided. The changes in the law on criminal liability, which occurred as a reaction to the specified threats in the form of criminalization of socially dangerous acts, as well as in the practice of applying criminal law norms on collaborationism, aiding the aggressor state, justification, denial of armed aggression against Ukraine, war crimes, etc., are analyzed. Their shortcomings and defects are identified, proposals are formulated for their elimination through improvement both at the law-making and law-enforcement levels. The need for Ukraine to ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and the Kampala annexes to it is emphasized. Equally significant is the improvement of domestic legislation and the practice of its application in relation to countering collaborationism, aiding the aggressor state, as well as war crimes, crimes of aggression, and crimes against humanity.
The inadequacy of the application of norms on war crimes in those cases in which terrorism takes place has been established at the level of a separate scientific and law-enforcement problem. The possibility of the coexistence of the phenomena of terrorism and aggressive war, the presence of signs of war crimes and terrorist acts in the actions of combatants has been proven. The key factor in distinguishing these phenomena should not be the international legal status of the guilty person as a combatant, but the content of the subjective side of the composition of the criminal offense with a significant coincidence of the signs of the objective side of war crimes and terrorist acts.
The dynamics of amendments to the Criminal Code of Ukraine after the start of the war show that the criminal law was not sufficiently ready for application during the war. First of all, a number of ...acts that are socially dangerous have not been singled out as criminal acts. Some existing articles needed to be amended to differentiate criminal liability.
This article is based on the use of comparative, historical, and statistical methods, which are the basis for proving the grounds for criminalisation or differentiation of acts, taking into account the martial law caused by the war waged by the Russian Federation against Ukraine.
Following the research conducted, we consider it possible to state that collaboration activities have a high level of public danger and should therefore be criminalised. The severity of punishment for such actions depends on the type of collaborationism. Scholars and law enforcers in countries analysing Ukraine’s experience and changes in criminal law in connection with the war should clearly delineate the criminal range of acts of treason and analyse whether there are any socially dangerous acts
The paper analyses the causes and extent of the cooperation between German Catholic and Protestant clergy and Nazis. The author considers various definitions of the term “brown” priests in ...historiography. The paper aims to show that this collaborationism was not based on the commitment of priests to Christian teaching, they were often encouraged to cooperate with Nazis with their own political and career considerations and personal motives.
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