Public Diplomacy: Taxonomies and Histories Cull, Nicholas J.
The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science,
03/2008, Letnik:
616, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Public diplomacy is a term much used but seldom subjected to rigorous analysis. This article-which draws heavily on a report commissioned by the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office in the spring ...of 2007-sets out a simple taxonomy of public diplomacy's components and their interrelationships. These components are (1) listening, (2) advocacy, (3) cultural diplomacy, (4) exchange, and (5) international broadcasting. It examines five successful and five unsuccessful uses of each individual component drawing from the history of U.S., Franco-German, Swiss, and British diplomatic practice. The failures arise chiefly from a discrepancy between rhetoric and reality. The final section applies the author's taxonomy to the challenges of contemporary public diplomacy and places special emphasis on the need to conceptualize the task of the public diplomat as that of the creator and disseminator of "memes" (ideas capable of being spread from one person to another across a social network) and as a creator and facilitator of networks and relationships.
The aim of this article is to analyse the Croatian economic diplomacy model to identify the model, revealing its effectiveness and providing possible recommendations for the future research in the ...area of economic diplomacy. Literature review for Croatia indicates an overall lack of national research on the subject matter from the empirical point of view. Such situation is partially a result of economic diplomacy being a new phenomenon in Croatia and with Croatian political structure struggling many years with internal public administration reorganisation, privatisation process and joining the European Union. Occasional theoretical approaches are presented with analysis coming from the questionnaire surveys. The empirical research contribution of the article highlights the Croatian volume of export of goods and its connection with diplomatic actors. The research is based on the gravity model of international trade and presents empirical findings in the analysis of Croatian economic diplomacy and its effectiveness regarding the Croatian export of goods. The research model confirms positive relationship between Croatian total exports and three independent variables: GDP, distance and staff employed in diplomatic mission.
Diplomatic recognition is an essential tool of statecraft but remains largely unanalyzed by political scientists. Two recent trends in diplomatic practice raise notable puzzles: (i) use of diplomatic ...ties to signal (dis)approval of a regime or its policies, based largely on cues from diplomatic partners, and (ii) reliance on diplomatic missions as a means of securing prestige in the international system. I argue that both trends are the result of network influences. States face resource constraints and must choose diplomatic partners wisely, but they lack complete information about the risks and benefits of extending diplomatic recognition. To solve this informational dilemma, they condition recognition on the diplomatic activity of others. First, states send missions to countries that host missions from their own diplomatic partners, which increases the strength of diplomatic signals and reduces political risks. Second, states send missions to countries that host large numbers of missions in general (that is, "prestigious" countries), which increases their capacity for information gathering. In general, a state's decision to extend or retract diplomatic recognition depends heavily on the decisions of other states. Employing novel network methodologies, I show that these endogenous network influences are among the most consistent and substantively powerful determinants of diplomatic recognition.
Following independence in 1960, Nigeria intentionally crafted a 'big brother' honorific title for itself inspired by a Pan-Africanist Afrocentric ideology which it pursues through altruistic sharing ...of its human, military and economic resources. Successive governments have internalized this Africa-focused foreign policy thrust to establish a putative regional influence in Africa. However, despite belatedly signing the African Continental Free Trade Agreement which seeks to increase intra-African trade and introducing a novel visa-on-arrival policy for African passport holders, the porosity of Nigeria's boundaries continues to pose a threat and has led to the closure of land borders with its West African neighbours in August 2019. This article examines the implications of Nigeria's schizophrenic 'border diplomacy' for its continental leadership and argues that the substance and rhetoric of the country's border diplomacy represent a foreign policy interest which prioritizes its people, economy and national security while normatively extending Nigeria's hegemonic leadership in Africa.
Since independence in 1945, Indonesia has managed to carry out its foreign policy according to a unique doctrine described as ＂independent and active＂ (bebas dan aktif). To be independent means that ...Indonesia does not side with world powers, while being active means vigorously carrying out peaceful policies and actively participating in the peaceful settlement of international issues. The doctrine is not a neutral policy but does not align and bind the country with the superpowers or any military pact. Instead, being independent and active primarily serves the national interest while allowing the Indonesian government to collaborate with other nations. However, the doctrine's implementation has varied according to the different interpretations of successive presidents. This paper explains Indonesia's independent and active foreign policy during President Joko Widodo's presidency. It contends that while the doctrine has continued to underlie Indonesia's foreign policy, the formulation of President Joko Widodo's foreign policy is unique in its practical approach, prioritizing the national interest and the domestic advantages of foreign relations. In the president's worldview, foreign policy has been instrumental in promoting the nation's development.
Economic diplomacy is an important part of a country's overall diplomacy, and foreign aid is an essential tool in a country's economic diplomacy. With the accumulation of wealth, Saudi Arabia uses ...its petrodollars to carry out economic diplomacy, and by increasing the amount of aid and expanding aid targets, it achieves multiple goals. This article analyzes the policy objectives of Saudi Arabia's foreign aid from the perspectives of political, economic and religious dynamics, and reviews the main models in this field, namely, strategic foreign aid, development-oriented foreign aid and humanitarian foreign aid. The author believes that Saudi Arabia's foreign aid is double-sided. On the one hand, it actively implements the development goals of South-South cooperation and contributes to the promotion of global economic recovery and development; on the other hand, it promotes Wahhabi expansion and development, bringing certain threats to the world's traditional security. However, since 2015, the Saudi government has begun to control, regulate, and minimize religious promotion to reduce certain threats that Wahhabism has generated.
National diplomacy is challenged by the rise of non-state actors from transnational companies to non-governmental organisations. In trying to explain these challenges, scholars tend to either focus ...on a specific new actor or argue that states will remain the dominant diplomatic players. This article develops an alternative Bourdieu-inspired framework addressing symbolic power. It conceptualises diplomacy in terms of a social field with agents (field incumbents and newcomers alike) who co-construct and reproduce the field by struggling for dominant positions. The framework is applied to the EU's new diplomatic service (the European External Action Service, EEAS), which is one of the most important foreign policy inventions in Europe to date. I show that the EEAS does not challenge national diplomacy in a material sense – but at a symbolic level. The EEAS questions the state's meta-capital, that is, its monopoly of symbolic power and this explains the counter-strategies adopted by national foreign services. The struggles to define the ‘genuine’ diplomat reveal a rupture in the European diplomatic field, pointing towards a transformation of European statehood and the emergence of a hybrid form of diplomacy. A focus on symbolic power opens up new avenues for the study of transformations of authority in world politics.
This paper discusses the way the European Union (EU) needs to adapt its economic diplomacy toolbox to tackle current challenges pertaining to the Russian war on Ukraine. It investigates the way in ...which the EU has developed its economic diplomacy in Ukraine, focusing on the scope of this diplomacy and its efficacy in responding to Russia's assertiveness and, ultimately, to Russia's aggression. The research identifies those initiatives that may be part of the priority toolkit used for sustaining the EU's strategic goals in Ukraine and beyond, considering the evolving global economic environment. The paper concludes with a comprehensive listing of the EU's challenges and opportunities for further developing its economic diplomacy, including as a solution or a response to the Ukrainian reconstruction needs.
PDF
