Objective/context: This article studies the use made by the Executive of the state of siege between 1958 and 1990 to silence the opposition and contain social protest, seeking to highlight how the ...laws that today criminalize protest in Colombia reproduce the authoritarian traits built during this period. Methodology: A qualitative method was developed based on a compilation of legislative decrees issued between 1958 and 1990. This analysis includes a review of the statement of the decrees that established the state of siege, the measures adopted by the Executive to avoid disturbances of public order, and the political context in which these decrees were issued. Conclusions: This study reveals that more worrying than the repression of a specific government, the excesses we observe today by the government and the public forces in the management of social protest are part of political practices that have been rehearsed and reinforced for decades in times of crisis. Originality: Although there are numerous investigations on states of siege, this work contributes to understanding how an authoritarian past has been built and continues to be present in the memory of our institutions and determines how our rulers face dissent.
Objetivo/contexto: este artículo estudia el uso que hizo el Ejecutivo del estado de sitio, entre 1958 y 1990, para silenciar a la oposición y contener la protesta social, con el fin de poner en ...evidencia cómo las leyes que hoy criminalizan la protesta en Colombia reproducen los rasgos autoritarios que se construyeron en este periodo. Metodología: se desarrolló un método cualitativo basado en la recopilación de los decretos legislativos expedidos entre 1958 y 1990. Este análisis incluye la revisión del considerando de los decretos que declararon el estado de sitio, las medidas que el Ejecutivo adoptó para conjurar las perturbaciones del orden público y la revisión del contexto político en el que dichos decretos fueron expedidos. Conclusiones: este estudio revela que, más preocupante que la represión de un Gobierno puntual, los excesos que hoy observamos por parte del Gobierno y la fuerza pública en el manejo de la protesta social hacen parte de prácticas políticas que tienen décadas de ser ensayadas y reforzadas en momentos de crisis. Originalidad: si bien existen numerosas investigaciones sobre los estados de sitio, este trabajo aporta a la comprensión de cómo se ha construido un pasado autoritario que continúa presente en la memoria de nuestras instituciones y determina la forma en que nuestros gobernantes se enfrentan al disenso.
The poor ionic and electronic conductivities of pseudocapacitive materials are important constraints for the further development of supercapacitors. In this work, a new Se-NiAl-LDHs electrode ...material was successfully synthesized by a pre-synthetic solvothermal reaction and selenization modification procedure. On the basis of the NiAl-LDHs microstructure, partially new crystalline NiSe2 selenides are surface-generated, and the resulting Se-NiAl-LDHs electrode material exhibits an impressive specific capacitance of 1098 F g−1 at a current density of 1 A g−1. Furthermore, this newly synthesized Se-NiAl-LDHs electrode exhibits a good capacity retention of 60.47% at 20 A g−1, which is superior to the outdated NiAl-LDHs electrode. Moreover, when the power density reaches 1593.17 W kg−1, the energy density of the as-prepared soft-encapsulated Se-NiAl-LDHs//AC ASC is 29 Wh kg−1. The focus of this work is to selenize the NiAl-LDHs microstructure so that the energy storage performance has been improvement due to the better energy storage, smaller electrochemical impedance, multiple oxidation states and more abundant chemical active sites after selenide treatment.
•The Se-NiAl-LDHs was synthesized by a pre-synthetic solvothermal reaction and selenization modification procedure.•The electrochemical properties of the NiAl-LDHs are improved due to the optimized channel structure of electrolyte ion transport.•The formation of the new NiSe2 crystal on the surface improves the charge conduction and charge storage properties of NiAl-LDHs.
From 1979 to 1999, a heated dispute over the science or pseudoscience of extraordinary power or extrasensory perception (ESP) took place in China. During these two decades, many so‐called ...“grandmasters” of ESP and Qigong emerged, and millions of people across the country studied with them; this was known as “Qigong Fever” or “ESP Fever.” The supporters of ESP argued that ESP existed, people could cultivate ESP through specific Qigong training, and ESP was a science; whereas the opponents of ESP denied all of these. Both sides of the dispute had many supporters. With the onset of Qigong Fever in China, some Qigong and ESP masters developed their Qigong organizations into Chinese‐style religions. Qigong Fever ended when the religions were banned by the Chinese government. The rise of Qigong Fever demonstrated that basic questions about the boundaries between science and pseudoscience were not easy to answer. Different theoretical and practical consequences resulted from different answers to these questions.
Historians, most notably Fernand Braudel with his three-volume Civilization and Capitalism1, have traced the origins of the term capitalism to the mid-1800s. However, its notoriety came a few decades ...later, from socialists who used it as a term to describe what they disliked about the workings of liberal markets. Karl Marx, arguably one of the most prominent socialists of the time, used it as a way to refer to a system of markets that in his view favored capitalists at the expense of socie-ty.2 His notion was, of course, conditioned by historical experience up to his own time as well as his own perspective on that history; when he was writing, markets appeared to inevitably pit capitalists versus the proletariat, without much regard for the fact that a democratically elected government, or even a limited monarchy, might intervene to protect the interests of the middle classes let alone the poor. In his era in both the United States and Europe, capital was achieving extraordinary power for newly emergent industrialists. For example, the largest firms in the US grew from perhaps 100 employees in 1800 to more than 100,000 a century later, and they grew still more in terms of the financial and physical resources at their command.3 This extraordinary accumulation of private power called for a new conception of capitalism; Adam Smith's conception of atomistic capitalism, where firms had little or no economic power, was hardly an adequate framework for such analyses. At the same time, there were virtually no large-scale democratic states until almost the end of the 19th century; Britain enlarged its electorate from about 1.5% of its population to 2.5% in 1832, and then only by the late 19th century began to add wealthy merchants and manufacturers to its class of wealthy aristocrats. The US was the outstanding exception, as Alexis de Tocqueville recognized during his first hand study of the US in 1830.4 But the fact that governments had not mounted much by way of any of successful attempts to embed markets in regulatory frameworks to protect labor, a critique brought up by Karl Po-lanyi, did not mean that they could not do so, as Marx implied, but only that it had not yet done so.
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