In many documents left behind by recent white domestic terrorists we see the re-emergence of a national identity that fuses people and land. From Christchurch to El Paso, old articulations "the ...people" which came to a head most famously in the Nazi sense of the volk and the politics of blood and soil are today resurfacing. This article traces the broad contours of this politics that fuses ethnos and ecos in order to morally justify political exclusion, genocide, and today terrorism via mass shooting.
This article deals with the role of Hey’at Naadam (Key’at Naadam) in the process of creating national identity of Tsengel Tuvans (Altay Tuvans) living mainly as nomads in Western Mongolia. Naadam is ...the traditional festival celebrated as a national holiday every year in July across Mongolia. Tsengel Tuvans are Lamaist Buddhists in religion and a different ethnic and cultural identity than the Muslim Kazakhs in the region. Tsengel Tuvans, whose ethnic and cultural identities were not accepted before, started to exist in the region with their own national identities after 1990s. This was a reflection of Perestroika that began in the Soviet Union in the mid-1980s. As a result, Tsengel Tuvans used the traditional Mongolian festival Naadam as a model for the process of creating a national identity through the "common past" and the "revival of the myth". However, this new process has highlighted the “permanent borders” between the Tsengel Tuvans and teh Kazakh people in this region.
This article demonstrates the value of rhetorical audience studies for analysing constructions of ‘the nation’ and national identity. A key strength of this approach is its recognition of the ...interplay between the rhetorical situation, the text of the speech, and the audience’s responses to that rhetoric. Using the historical method for investigating rhetoric and its reception, the article examines Theresa May’s efforts to bring the nation together after the 2016 referendum and to offer an inspiring vision of post-Brexit Britain. A textual analysis shows that her rhetoric of Britishness was constructed around an imagined audience of Leave voters, and thus excluded Remainers from her conceptions of Britain and ‘the British people’. The audience reception study supports this finding, as it reveals two competing myths of ‘the nation’ which in turn constituted rival subject positions. In short, May’s epideictic failed to unite the country behind her conception of a strong, cohesive Global Britain.
Este ensayo pone en relieve el rol ejercido por las revistas ilustradas (magazines) en Chile durante las primeras décadas del siglo XX, en la configuración de imaginarios nacionales circulantes en el ...país. Estas revistas habrían transmitido una idea e imagen de un país con ciertas caracteristicas excepcionales dentro de la órbita latinoamericana, aspectos que no solo habrían marcado profundamente aspectos idiosincráticos de la comunidad nacional, sino que también habrían impactado en la forma cómo esta comunidad comenzaría a relacionarse con los medios de comunicación y sus formatos de representación de la realidad.
National identity education is a form of education that fosters a stable sense of national identity among citizens and plays a crucial role in the sustainable development of the country. However, ...with the deepening of economic globalisation and cultural pluralism, pre-service teachers, in their dual roles as school students and prospective teachers, have encountered challenges in practicing their intention to implement national identity education. This study constructed a model of influencing pre-service teachers’ intention to implement national identity education based on the theory of planned behaviour (TPB) and the cognitive evaluation theory (CET) with the aim of explaining and analysing the development path of pre-service teachers’ educational intentions. The model was validated using PLS-SEM and fsQCA on data from 280 pre-service teachers in teacher training colleges in northern China. The PLS-SEM results indicated that subjective norms, relatedness need, and study resources directly and positively influenced pre-service teachers’ educational intentions, and study resources could also indirectly influence educational intentions through subjective norms and a need for relatedness. The fsQCA results indicated that a single variable was unable to predict and explain educational intentions. A total of five ways of influencing educational intentions emerged from the group analysis. Based on the pre-service teachers’ propensity to demand learning resources and their competence, pre-service teachers were categorised into four types—basic development pathway, internally driven pathway, competence-driven pathway and resource-supported pathway—and recommendations were made according to the degree of reliance on resources of different types of pre-service teachers as a way of providing theoretical and data support for the sustainable development of the country.
•Qualitative study of Greek diaspora in Australia focusing on nation-building.•Explores linkages between diaspora and national identity through example of language.•Demonstrates tensions in Greek ...language usage in relation to identity negotiations.•Advocates flexible, inclusive notions of diasporic belonging to multiple nations.
This paper uses a qualitative case study of the Greek diaspora in Australia in order to add to debates on the geographies of diaspora and diasporic identity in relation to nation-building and nationalism through an exploration of Greek language usage. Specifically, it contributes to ongoing research in geography, diaspora studies and beyond, which stresses the need to examine and tensions and disunities within diasporic 'communities' through a focus on the materialities and emotionalities of diasporic lives and identities. The paper stresses that although more fluid and in-between diasporic identity negotiations are important, it is also necessary to examine the ways in which those in diaspora attempt to 'hold onto' times and spaces of homeland national identity in order to perform more static, bounded and inflexible notions of diasporic identity. The paper uses the example of language to demonstrate how tensions over the role and importance of homeland language in diaspora reveal different imaginations and emotions around what it means to be, feel and belong in diaspora. The paper contributes to debates over the roots and routes of diaspora, as well as the need for boundary (re)making. In doing so, it stresses the need for geographical research on diaspora, and the important role that geographers can play in critical interpretations of the lives and identities of those in diaspora, 'on the move', within and across borders. It therefore adds to ongoing geographical debates about the need to envisage diasporas in flexible and inclusive ways, but also account for the ways in which nation-building and nationalism continue to form part of diasporic identity articulations.
Refugees become asylum-seekers not only because the receiving country gives them the bureaucratic-legal status but also because they start to identify with the status. This article examines how ...refugees learn to be asylum-seekers even when they question asylum decisions. It uses Foucault's idea of governmentality to assess how governmental policies become translated into asylum-seekers’ collective and personal conducts as asylum-seekers, sometimes in ways that undermine the official policy. This article introduces the idea of papered governmentality, in which the production of papers is a governmental technology to manage not only populations but also personal identities and conducts. It investigates how asylum-seekers’ own role in papered governmentality as receivers, producers, and users of various papers in the asylum process transforms their conducts and identities in ways that reshape how they are governed. The empirical research site was an asylum-seekers’ protest in Finland where the first author conducted participant observation about how papers included in the asylum process were collected, read, discussed, circulated, and co-produced. The article finds that when migration control utilizes laws, bureaucratic documents, and other liberal governmental technologies designed to modify autonomous individuals’ own decisions to migrate, it produces not only control but also identification with the host country and some freedom to choose how to act with governmental decisions.
Aim
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The purpose of this article is to assess the impact on the identity of the "Russian Germans" of this community positioning in the German media.
Methodology
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The work’s methodology is based on ...a combination of classical content analysis with elements of comparative and structural analysis. The empirical base of the study was a pool of 232 publications from 6 national media of Germany (Deutsche Welle, Spiegel, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Frankfurter Rundschau, Handelsblat and Bild) for 2021, formed in random sample order.
Results.
The author comes to the conclusion that there is a trend towards the stigmatization of "Russian Germans” in the German mass media. The latter are labeled as bearers of values and behaviors labeled as alien to the majority of the population. They are simultaneously trying to position this diaspora as a "fifth column" acting in the interests of Russia within the framework of the European Union and the Russian Federation. At the same time, the distance between the “Russian Germans” and the bulk of the German population is estimated to be smaller than in the case of the Albanian, Turkish, Afghan and Syrian diasporas. "Russians" are less frequently present in media materials as a source of an everyday threat (in the role of criminals or terrorists). Also, they are distinguished from the "Asian" and Albanian diasporas by the presence of a greater similarity with the native population in terms of appearance and behavior patterns. The distance is also shortened by the similarity of "Russian Germans" with the traditional "internal dissidents" – immigrants from the GDR who failed to fully integrate into the new society. Due to this, the German media contribute to the preservation of the separate identity of the "Russian Germans". But the image of the phantom threat from the "Russian Germans" formed by the mass media is not as bright as in the case of other "dangerous diasporas". This prevents the allocation of Germans who came from the former Soviet republics into an independent category in the form of "important others".
Research implications
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The results obtained became the basis for the development of practical recommendations for the Russian authorities on building communication with the "Russian Germans” community in Germany. It was emphasized that a dialogue with it should be built within the framework of the implementation of a comprehensive program covering both migrants from the post-Soviet space and people from the former GDR. The stigmatization of “Russian Germans” and immigrants from East Germany in the German media should be widely reported in the Russian-language mass media of Germany and niche communities in social networks. This will help consolidate these groups and turn them into a social base for opposition to anti-Russian forces in the German elites. The negative image of the "Russian Germans" as the "fifth column of Moscow" can be destroyed by a large-scale promotion of depoliticized elements of "soft power", and move all, by products of popular culture.
American crucible Gerstle, Gary
2017., 20170228, 2017, 2017-06-26
eBook
This sweeping history of twentieth-century America follows the changing and often conflicting ideas about the fundamental nature of American society: Is the United States a social melting pot, as our ...civic creed warrants, or is full citizenship somehow reserved for those who are white and of the "right" ancestry? Gary Gerstle traces the forces of civic and racial nationalism, arguing that both profoundly shaped our society. After Theodore Roosevelt led his Rough Riders to victory during the Spanish American War, he boasted of the diversity of his men's origins- from the Kentucky backwoods to the Irish, Italian, and Jewish neighborhoods of northeastern cities. Roosevelt's vision of a hybrid and superior "American race," strengthened by war, would inspire the social, diplomatic, and economic policies of American liberals for decades. And yet, for all of its appeal to the civic principles of inclusion, this liberal legacy was grounded in "Anglo-Saxon" culture, making it difficult in particular for Jews and Italians and especially for Asians and African Americans to gain acceptance. Gerstle weaves a compelling story of events, institutions, and ideas that played on perceptions of ethnic/racial difference, from the world wars and the labor movement to the New Deal and Hollywood to the Cold War and the civil rights movement. We witness the remnants of racial thinking among such liberals as FDR and LBJ; we see how Italians and Jews from Frank Capra to the creators of Superman perpetuated the New Deal philosophy while suppressing their own ethnicity; we feel the frustrations of African-American servicemen denied the opportunity to fight for their country and the moral outrage of more recent black activists, including Martin Luther King, Jr., Fannie Lou Hamer, and Malcolm X. Gerstle argues that the civil rights movement and Vietnam broke the liberal nation apart, and his analysis of this upheaval leads him to assess Reagan's and Clinton's attempts to resurrect nationalism. Can the United States ever live up to its civic creed? For anyone who views racism as an aberration from the liberal premises of the republic, this book is must reading. Containing a new chapter that reconstructs and dissects the major struggles over race and nation in an era defined by the War on Terror and by the presidency of Barack Obama, American Crucible is a must-read for anyone who views racism as an aberration from the liberal premises of the republic. -- Provided by publisher
This paper seeks to understand the socio-political dimension of the political changes in Assam vis-a-vis "regionalism" and its contestations. The Changing contours of regionalism in Assam reflect its ...distinct character marked by the simultaneous articulation of regional, sub-regional and national identity in a complex socio-ethnic and historical context. The recent political trajectory of Assam bears testimony to the dual challenges facing the forces of regionalism; the presence of sub-regional ethnic identity articulation and the appropriation of regional space and issues by the national parties. Further, the shifting allegiance of ethnic identity-based parties to the national parties is critical to understand the dynamics of regionalism in Assam. Socio-political developments subsequent to the rise of BJP post-2014 provide an interesting landscape to comprehend the complexities inherent in understanding regionalism in contemporary Assam. On a contextual note, the paper also locates the question of regionalism in the ongoing debates of NRC and CAA.
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