In October 2016, the White House, the European Parliament, and the UK House of Commons each issued a report outlining their visions on how to prepare society for the widespread use of artificial ...intelligence (AI). In this article, we provide a comparative assessment of these three reports in order to facilitate the design of policies favourable to the development of a ‘good AI society’. To do so, we examine how each report addresses the following three topics: (a) the development of a ‘good AI society’; (b) the role and responsibility of the government, the private sector, and the research community (including academia) in pursuing such a development; and (c) where the recommendations to support such a development may be in need of improvement. Our analysis concludes that the reports address adequately various ethical, social, and economic topics, but come short of providing an overarching political vision and long-term strategy for the development of a ‘good AI society’. In order to contribute to fill this gap, in the conclusion we suggest a two-pronged approach.
Reporting requirements, targets, and quotas have been implemented in several countries to increase female representation in leadership. In three studies, we analyze the effectiveness of these ...strategies from a goal-setting perspective. Study 1 evaluates the relationship between reporting requirements and female representation on boards of directors with data from Fortune 500 companies from 1996 to 2015. Study 2 analyzes the association of reporting requirements, targets, and quotas with the representation of women on boards of directors of public companies across 91 countries. Study 3 evaluates the impact of targets and quotas for women in parliaments across 190 nations. The board diversity reporting directive introduced in the US was followed by an acceleration in the increase of female representation on boards of directors of Fortune 500 companies. Higher goals for women on boards of directors were related to higher female representation. Similarly, higher gender goals and strong enforcement mechanisms in parliaments were related to higher female representation.
Die Propagierung der eingetragenen Genossenschaft als Instrument der Förderung bürgerschaftlichen Engagements im Bereich der Daseinsvorsorge durch den Bundesgesetzgeber wird in der Literatur wegen ...der damit verbundenen Orientierung an nicht direkt mitgliederbezogenen Interessen kritisiert. Der Beitrag geht auf diese Kritik ein und zeigt auf, warum es gute Gründe gibt, die eG im Bereich der kommunalen Daseinsvorsorge stärker als bisher zu nutzen.
Participation of the European Parliament in the process of energy sector communitarization and providing assurance of Community energy security is enormous due to its position and its legitimacy in ...European institutions structure. European Parliament – through its participation in the development of energy acquis communautaire, under the ordinary legislative procedure – is a full‑fledged entity responsible for the shape of EU’s legal order, and the views of MPs interact indirectly on EU law and policies final version. Using indirect legislative initiative, the European Parliament has become also an active creator providing the mandate of EC political initiatives. Consequently, the European Parliament has played an important role at the supranational level in the energy sector communitarization, often acting as a political forum facilitating building of compromises, necessary to deepen the EU’s energy policy. It also actively participates in the development of EU energy and climate policy.
This study aims to throw some theoretical light on the relationship between institutions and the buildings housing them, particularly in the context of institutional change. Drawing on my ...ethnographic study of the UK Parliament buildings in London, I put forward a framework for analysing the effects that buildings and the artifacts within them may have on institutional change. This framework consists of three elements: (1) buildings enabling or constraining the activities performed inside; (2) spatial hierarchy; and (3) buildings as a resource. My intention is to draw scholars’ attention to the notion of buildings as sites of contestation – places where conflicts over nature and the extent of institutional change are played out. I conclude that redesigning buildings might be seen as a stepping stone to change, but also that buildings can be used to resist change and maintain the status quo. Although buildings ‘inhabited’ by institutions may appear to stand still, they never do; they change in time, both enabling and constraining those who use them and they have an ability to ‘act back’.
The paper presents a very different view of the Rusyn question in inter-war Czechoslovakia through the eyes of Rusyn representatives from across the spectrum of political parties in the Czechoslovak ...parliament. Although Subcarpathian Rus and its inhabitants were often idealised in Czechoslovakia for their unspoilt nature and patriarchal character, and Czechoslovak public opinion was very favourable towards the region, some Rusyn politicians certainly did not share this ideal. The Communist deputies in particular criticised all government policies and the persistence of general backwardness, but the question of the region’s autonomy was probably the most prominent among the Czechoslovak deputies representing Subcarpathian Rus. The paper highlights four main issues that emerged most frequently in the parliamentary debates: the quest for autonomy, the solution to the poor economic situation, the situation in education and disputes over the use of the language, and the dual treatment of Rusyns living in Slovakia and in Subcarpathian Rus. Příspěvek ukazuje zcela jiný náhled na problematiku rusínské otázky v meziválečném Československu, a to pohledem rusínských zástupců z celého spektra politických stran v československém parlamentu. Přestože byla Podkarpatská Rus i její obyvatelé v Československu často idealizováni pro svou nedotčenou přírodu a patriarchální ráz a československé veřejné mínění bylo této oblasti velmi příznivě nakloněno, část rusínských politiků tento ideál rozhodně nesdílela. Především komunističtí poslanci kritizovali veškerou vládní politiku a přetrvávající všeobecnou zaostalost, ale zřejmě největší prostor měla mezi československými poslanci zastupujícími Podkarpatskou Rus tématika autonomie oblasti. Příspěvek klade důraz na čtyři hlavní témata, která se v parlamentních rozpravách objevovala nejčastěji: snaha o autonomii, řešení špatné hospodářské situace, situace ve školství a spory o používání jazyka, dvojí přístup k Rusínům žijícím na Slovensku a na Podkarpatské Rusi.
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