한국의 샌프란시스코평화회담 참가문제와 배제과정 정병준; Byung Joon Jung
한국과 국제정치,
09/2020, Letnik:
36, Številka:
3
Journal Article
Recenzirano
샌프란시스코평화조약이 준비되는 과정에서 미국은 1949년 12월 이래 한국을 대일평화조약의 참가국, 서명국으로 설정했다. 미국은 한국의 정치적 입지를 강화한다는 목표를 갖고 있었다. 영국·일본은 1951년 4~5월에 집중적으로 ① 한국은 연합국이나 대일교전국이 아니었다(영국·일본), ② 한국이 연합국 지위를 갖게되면 공산주의자인 재일한국인들이 경제적 ...이득을 얻어 일본 정부가 곤경에 처한다(일본), ③ 중국의 조약참가가 배제된 상태에서 한국이 참가하면 버마·인도네시아 등 동남아시아 국가의 반발을 살 수 있다(영국)고 주장했다. 영국·일본의 반대에 직면한 미국은 열강의 조약 서명 후 한국의 서명이라는 입장으로 후퇴했다. 이 직후 한국정부의 미국 평화조약초안에 대한 답신서가 도착(1951.5.7)했다. 미국은 1951년 5월 16일 한국의 조약 서명국 자격을 인정하지 않기로 결정했고, 1951년 6월 1일 조약참가·서명 자격 불인정 및 특별조항 신설이라는 입장으로 선회했다.
In the preparation of peace treaty with Japan, the U.S. tried to include Korea as a participant and signatory state since December 1949. The U.K. and Japan argued that Korea should not be allowed to participate the Japanese Peace Treaty in April-May 1951, Then Korean government’s reply to the US treaty draft arrived on May 7, 1951. The U.S. disappointed the tenor of Korea’s reply because it was far from the U.S. position. Consequently, the U.S. decided not to recognize Korea as signatory state on May 16, 1951 and add special article for Korea on June 1, 1951.
This paper aims to explore the peace treaties that North Korea has sought with the United States and/or South Korea historically and how Sino-DPRK relations have influenced these treaty proposals. By ...exploring North Korea's various treaty proposals in chronological order and scrutinizing Sino-DPRK relations behind the proposals, this paper argues that North Korea's peace treaty proposals have been considerably opportunistic and situational, consistently changing to achieve strategic goals, and that Sino-DPRK relations invariably have been a significant factor behind the changes. Based on this observation, this paper concludes that North Korea's primary goal, after the end of the Cold War, fundamentally shifted from forceful reunification of the Korean peninsula to regime survival, and that China increasingly has been taking an active role in signing a peace treaty.
Abstract
The water agreement between Jordan and Israel, created as part of their peace treaty in 1994, set out detailed allocations terms to which both countries have respectively abided since its ...inception. But after two and a half decades, the water agreement terms no longer appear as equitable considering the social, economic, and environmental changes that have occurred in the region as a whole and within the two countries individually. This paper analyzes the status of the treaty terms in light of changes seen within both countries regarding the factors laid out by the United Nations as relevant to determining equitable apportionment among riparian nations. The analysis suggests that a renegotiation of the water agreement terms is warranted due in large part to changes in population and the availability of alternative water resources (desalination and treated wastewater). While no explicit recommendations are made as to what a future treaty's terms should include, this paper presents evidence of a changing ground reality that deserves greater consideration in reaching a more equitable and sustainable water agreement for the decades to come.
The peace treaty of Colombia contemplates a crop substitution policy seeking to replace coca crops with legal alternatives. Although crop substitution diverts funding of illegal activities and ...provides an income to farmers, it is important to understand how the change to a variety of legal crops (coffee, sugarcane, and cacao) affects the income of farmers, and whether there is an environmental advantage of a crop over another. This study applies life cycle assessment (LCA) coupled with socioeconomic indicators to two regions, Putumayo and Catatumbo, over different policy scenarios. LCA results show that a policy success does not ensure a lower environmental impact across the board. Legal crops consume less fuel than coca crops, which reduce fuel‐related impacts, but the use of fertilizer in coffee and pesticide use in sugarcane increase toxicity‐related impacts. The results, however, are affected by a lack of characterization factors of agrochemicals, but once these are replaced by proxies, coca crops appear to have greater toxicity impacts. In terms of individual crops, cacao crops have a lower environmental impact than coffee and sugarcane, but it also takes the longest to harvest, which may pose a financial risk to farmers. The socioeconomic analysis reveals that for Catatumbo farmers, a policy success reduces the income, whereas for Putumayo farmers, a policy success increases income and job generation. In general, it was observed that the dynamics of the illegal supply chain vary for each region, influencing the environmental and socioeconomic outcome of the substitution policy.
This article attempts to determine whether the peace negotiation process initiated in Colombia that culminated with the Peace Treaty in 2016 had a positive economic effect, using the National Gross ...Domestic Product per capita as a measure. We apply a synthetic control method that is appropriate for a policy evaluation. Considering the anticipated and realized effects on economic variables, our results suggest that the Peace Treaty has positively influenced gross domestic product per capita. Furthermore, this positive effect has been maintained through 2021, the last available year of data. Data to 2021 show post‐pandemic Colombia is better off when compared with a hypothetical Colombia—or synthetic Colombia—that did not begin a peace negotiation process.
本文以人均国内生产总值作为衡量标准，试图确定哥伦比亚启动的和平谈判进程（最终于2016年签署和平条约）是否产生了积极的经济影响。我们应用了合成控制法，此法适用于政策评价。鉴于和平条约对经济变量的预期影响和实际影响，我们的结果表明，和平条约对人均国内生产总值产生了积极影响。此外，这种积极影响一直持续到2021年，即可获得数据的最近年份。截至2021年的数据显示，与没有开始和平谈判进程的“假设性哥伦比亚”（或“合成性哥伦比亚”）相比，大流行后期的哥伦比亚处于更好的状况。
El artículo intenta determinar si el proceso de negociación de paz iniciado en Colombia que culminó con la firma del Tratado de Paz en 2016 tuvo un impacto económico positivo, usando el Producto Interno Bruto per cápita como medida. Utilizamos un método de control sintético que es una medida apropiada para evaluar las políticas. Considerando los efectos anticipados y realizados sobre las variables económicas, nuestro resultado sugiere que el Tratado de Paz ha influido positivamente en el Producto Interno Bruto per cápita. Además, este efecto positivo se ha mantenido hasta 2021, el último año en que se dispone de datos. El dato de 2021 muestra que la Colombia post‐pandemia es mejor si se la compara con la Colombia hipotética que no comenzó con un proceso de negociación de paz—o Colombia que se obtiene del control sintético.
In the wake of the October 1973 war, Moscow sought superpower collaboration that would ensure its participation in the nascent Arab-Israel peace process, but the direct Israeli-Egyptian negotiations ...that culminated in the September 1978 Camp David Accords foiled this plan. As a result, the Soviets launched a diplomatic offensive against the deal and tried to forge an Arab front to isolate Egypt, only to see Cairo and Jerusalem signing a fully fledged peace treaty in March 1979. Then came the Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) and further shattered Moscow's Middle Eastern stance as fears of Tehran's hegemonic designs led to Egypt's reincorporation into the Arab fold.
Almost 70 years ago, on July 27, 1953 the representatives of the warring parties of the DPRK and PRC – the Supreme Commander of the Korean People's Army (KPA), leader of the DPRK Kim Il Sung and the ...Commander of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army, General (one of the 10 marshals of the PRC) Peng Dehuai, along with the Commander-in-Chief of the UN Command, American General Mark W. Clark, signed the Korean Armistice Agreement. One of the main participants in the war, South Korea, represented by the President Rhee Syngman, refused to sign it, and since then Seoul has not changed its position on this document. The article examines the circumstances of the outbreak of the Korean War of 1950–1953, its causes, nature, results, as well as the reasons why it remains unfinished up to this day. The author draws historical parallels with other similar conflicts and suggests the prospects and possibilities of a legal end to the Korean War.
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