Den 1. februar 1942 ble Vidkun Quisling ministerpresident i Norge og dannet en nasjonal regjering på grunnlag i et løfte av Adolf Hitler fra 1940. Med Nasjonal Samling (NS) som statsbærende parti tok ...Quisling sikte på å gi landet en viss selvstendighet i rammen av en fredsavtale med Tyskland. Allerede på sitt første møte vedtok den ‘nye’ nasjonale regjering to lover som hadde til hensikt å nazifisere norske barn og unge. Det var Lov om nasjonal ungdomstjeneste og Lov om Norges lærersamband. Med disse lovene tok Quisling sikte på å tvinge alle gutter og jenter mellom 10 og 18 år til å delta i en statlig ledet opplæring i den nasjonalsosialistiske livsanskuelse og praksis. Samtidig skulle alle lærerne i skolen meldes inn i Lærersambandet, som var tenkt som en yrkessammenslutning med ansvar for gjennomføringen av NS’ nazifiseringsprogram. Quislings politiske fremstøt møtte imidlertid sterk motstand – ikke minst i kirken, blant lærerne og hos foreldrene til skolebarna. Han lyktes ikke med å overdra oppdragelsen av ungdommen til NS-staten. Hvorfor mislyktes han? Kritikerne av hans utspill holdt fast på prinsippet om at det er foreldrene som har det primære ansvaret for oppdragelsen av sine barn. I et land hvor 96% av befolkningen tilhørte Den norske kirke, kunne biskopene vise til at de aller fleste foreldre ved dåpen hadde lovet å oppdra sine barn i kristen tro og kristent liv. Denne forpliktelsen lot seg ikke forene med Quislings nazifiseringsprogram. De fleste av landets 14.000 lærere sa nei til å være med i Lærersambandet. Da foreldrene til skolebarna i en landsomfattende masseprotest meddelte departementet at de av samvittighetsgrunner ikke ville la sine barn delta i det statlige opplæringsprogrammet, falt Quislings plan sammen. Han hadde ikke beregnet styrken i protesten fra kirken, lærerne og foreldrene.
In recent years, various critiques of participative approaches to design processes have been presented. Participatory urban planning has been subject to a specific form of criticism, which posits ...that such processes are 'post-political', inasmuch as they merely legitimise the power and political agendas of elites. In reviewing a case of participatory urban planning in Gothenburg, Sweden, this article suggests that actor-network theory can be operationalised as an alternative means to account for democratic deficiencies of co-design practices. It thus uses the concept of translation to describe how the original interests of participants may be betrayed, as successive translations cause objectives to drift. It also suggests that the key agency in these unfortunate betrayals is not human, but emerges through the material modes of collaboration. The article thus endeavours to contribute to the debate on how co-design processes may become more effective means to democratise urban planning and design.
Following the transnational turn within fascist studies, this paper examines the role German National Socialism and Italian Fascism played in the transformation of the Norwegian fascist party ...Nasjonal Samling in the years 1933-1936. It takes the rivalry of the two role models as the initial point and focusses on the reception of Italy and Germany in the party press of the Nasjonal Samling. The main topics of research are therefore the role of corporatism, the involvement in the organization caur and the increasing importance of anti-Semitism. One main argument is that both indirect and direct German influence on the Nasjonal Samling in autumn 1935 led to a radicalization of the party and the endorsement of anti-Semitic attitudes. However, the Nasjonal Samling under leader Vidkun Quisling never prioritized Italo-German rivalry as such. Instead, it perceived itself as an independent national movement in the common battle of a European-wide phenomenon against its arch-enemies: liberalism and communism.
The Norwegian tradition of historiography on the invasion of Norway on 9 April 1940 was first and foremost established by Professor Magne Skodvin (1915-2004) with his doctoral thesis in 1956, ...numerous books and articles, and through his teaching at the University of Oslo, which inspired many students. In this article, four of Skodvin's positions are reviewed with arguments that demand a revision of the historical validity of these viewpoints. The four positions consist of Skodvin's opinion concerning the role of Quisling in the events leading up to 9 April 1940, his view of Quisling's role in Norway on 9 April 1940, his presentation of the Allied invasion plans before 9 April 1940, and his claim that Quisling had next to no followers amongst Norwegian military officers. Finally, this criticism is placed in context by looking at the historical directions of the development of the Nasjonal Samling (NS), both prior to these events and in the aftermath.
Objective: After the Nazi occupation, there was a determination to deal with collaborators, coming to the fore with the trial of the traitor Vidkun Quisling. This became as much a contest between ...psychiatrists as a legal tussle. Norwegian psychiatrists supported the public opinion that collaborationists were mentally ill or intellectually handicapped, and this was evident in the reports they prepared. Conclusion: Norwegian psychiatry, their distinguished stand during the war notwithstanding, was caught up in the emotion and controversy of the Quisling trial and the treatment of collaborators. Later, there was tacit agreement that their stand had been less than objective, sharing the public repulsion towards collaborators and influenced by still-prevailing eugenic views.
The article aims to analyse the policy of the Albanian quisling governments on 200 Albanian-Jewish residents and 2000 Jewish immigrants from Germany, Austria, Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, ex-Yugoslavia ...during WWII. The study focuses on the treatment of Jews by the puppet governments under the Italian occupation of Albania (1939– 1943) ; secondly, the policies enacted by the Albanian central and local authorities to protect Jewish lives under the German occupation and, thirdly, the reasons that explain the positive stance of Albanians towards Jews, as : hospitality, Besa (the sworn oath), religious tolerance, lack of anti-Semitism etc. Based on classical hermeneutics, archival research and bibliographical analysis, this article intends to analyse the policy of the Albanian quisling governments under the pressure of the German authorities and the reasons why they rejected the Nazi request to hand over the Jews, giving an important contribution to the rescue of the Jewish people from the racial persecution.
Luku Esilda. Why Did Albanians and their Collaborationist Governments Rescue Jews during the Holocaust?. In: Hiperboreea. Journal of History, vol. 6, N°2, 2019. pp. 33-49.
The purpose of this Note is to clarify the interpretation of the volume, July 1944: Deportation of the Jews of Budapest Foiled (Reno, NV: Helena History Press, 2018), put forth by Peter Pastor in his ...book review, “A New Historical Myth from Hungary: The Legend of Colonel Ferenc Koszorús as the Wartime Saviour of the Jews of Budapest,” that was published in the 2019 issue of Hungarian Cultural Studies. Rather than making any attempt to remove or lessen blame for the acts committed following the German occupation of Hungary in March 1944, this collection of studies aims to shed light on whether Regent Horthy’s order to Colonel Ferenc Koszorús prevented the deportation of the remaining, nearly 300,000 Hungarian Jews who lived (or were just hiding) in Budapest.
Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- Filmavisen var en ukentlig nyhetsbulletin som gikk som forfilm på kino i årene 1941 - 1963. Bulletinene var produsert av Norsk Film ...A/S. NRK mottok filmene i 1976 og har siden sendt dem i reprise med jevne mellomrom. Samlingen er dessverre ikke komplett. Sendedato på det enkelte program er oppgitt premieredato på kino. Filmavisen blir også referert til som Norsk ukerevy, Norsk filmrevy og Ukerevyen. Blant kommentatorstemmene hører vi Egil Nakling (krigsårene), Halfdan Hegtun, Rolf Kirkvaag, Andor Birkeland og Knut Jørgen Erichsen.Det er viktig å understreke at Filmavisen i krigsårene var en del av okkupasjonsmaktens propaganda.- Story number in issue: 17- All metadata published by Europeana are available free of restriction under the Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication. However, Europeana requests that you actively acknowledge and give attribution to all metadata sources including Europeana
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