Die öffentliche Aufregung war groß, als der Europäische Rat Anfang Dezember eine Einigung mit Polen und Ungarn im Streit über den neuen Rechtsstaatsmechanismus verkündete. Die beiden Mitgliedstaaten ...zogen nach langen Verhandlungen ihr Veto gegen das Next-Generation-Programm der EU zurück. Im Gegenzug gab der Rat eine politische Erklärung ab, die die Anwendung des neuen Verfahrens hinauszögerte, mit dem die Auszahlung finanzieller Mittel bei Verstößen gegen das Rechtsstaatsprinzip ausgesetzt werden kann. Von einem »faulen Kompromiss « und »Kapitulation« war da schnell die Rede. Besonders das semiprofessionell aufgeregte Blogitariat überschlug sich in seiner Verurteilung des politischen Tauschgeschäfts. Der Rechtsstaatsmechanismus sei bis zur Unkenntlichkeit verwässert, die Erklärung des Rates rechtswidrig, eine Bedrohung der institutionellen Strukturen der Union, gar selbst ein Verstoß gegen das Rechtsstaatsprinzip. Manche witterten auch den Verrat einer um billige Scheinerfolge bemühten deutschen Ratspräsidentschaft an den rechtsstaatlichen Grundwerten der Union, anderen sahen den endgültigen Triumph Viktor Orbans gekommen.
During democratic backsliding, the state can curtail press freedom through the legalization of press control, that is, the establishment and utilization of legal instruments for the purpose of ...controlling the media and journalistic work. Drawing upon the literature on authoritarian rule of law, this article emphasizes that legalization of press control has to be examined by paying attention to both the conspicuous and subtle measures that constitute the legal minefield for journalism, the evolution of official discourses that aim at legitimizing the laws and their implementation, and the changing politics of self-censorship as journalists and the society react to emerging legal risks. The empirical analysis focuses on Hong Kong after the establishment of the National Security Law in June 2020. The article offers an updated analytical account of press freedom in Hong Kong and the conceptualization of a process possibly observable in other authoritarian states or hybrid regimes.
•The role of the financial sector is central in reducing income inequality – the goal of SDG 10.•However, institutional weaknesses may also undermine the effect of financial sector on reducing ...inequality.•Aggregate data from 1060 banks located in 46 countries over 2010–2017 allow us to examine the role of bank sustainability in inequality.•The robust results confirm that sustainable banking lessens income inequality in weak rule of law settings.
The role of the financial sector is central in reducing income inequality – the goal of SDG 10 – by facilitating economic opportunities. However, institutional weaknesses may also undermine this effect. We argue that sustainable banking generates bidirectional trust to overcome institutional weaknesses, particularly the weak rule of law. Empirical evidence from 46 countries aggregating data of 1060 banks over 2010–2017 shows that sustainable banking lessens income inequality in weak rule of law settings. The results are robust after including the effects of bank digitalisation. This study has important implications for sustainable banking expansion into weak institutional environments and demonstrates banks’ efforts in their commitment to reducing inequality.
In Zeiten der Autokratisierung scheint es immer schwieriger zu werden, Kriterien für eine funktionierende rechtsstaatliche Demokratie aufzustellen. Doch bedarf es dieser Kriterien dringend, da sich ...der Abbau von Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Demokratie nicht über eine offene Aufhebung der Grundprinzipien vollzieht, sondern vermittels kleiner Schritte, durch Aushöhlung der Substanz bei Aufrechterhaltung der Form oder durch Lethargie der Institutionen, ihre Zuständigkeiten wahrzunehmen. Der Beitrag zeigt am Beispiel der Türkei, wie einfallsreich autoritäre Regierungen darin sein können, vorhandene demokratische Strukturen zu instrumentalisieren, auszuhöhlen und den Pluralismus der Demokratie abzubauen. Dabei wird ersichtlich, wie der sog. »Volkswille« manipuliert und gegen die rechtsstaatliche Demokratie gewendet werden kann.
Establishing criteria for functioning democracies that are based on the rule of law seems to be becoming more and more difficult in times of autocratization. Still, it is urgently necessary, since their decline does not take place through open abolition of their basic principles, but rather through small steps, through undermining their substance while maintaining the form, or through lethargy of the institutions in exercising their responsibilities. Using Turkey as an example, the article shows how inventive authoritarian governments can be in exploiting and undermining existing democratic structures and in dismantling democratic pluralism. It also becomes apparent how the so-called »will of the people« can be manipulated and used against democracy itself.
Analysis of the Russian Governance Smirnov, Valeriy; Osipov, Denis; Ashmarin, Vasiliy ...
SHS Web of Conferences,
2021, Letnik:
93
Journal Article, Conference Proceeding
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
The article highlights the issue of the modern Russian economy management and the theoretic representations of the general criteria of management. The research contains an analysis of the Russian ...management figures dynamics for the six broad aspects of management of Worldwide Governance Indicators (World Bank Group). As a result of cluster analysis of the Russian management figures growth rate there have been revealed big and important clusters. The major directions and means of management are as follows: corruption combating – corruption control; government control efficiency – rule of law and regulatory quality; political stability and absence of violence – vote and accountability. In the Russian reality there exists rationality of state government based on the rule of law, regulatory quality, freedom of speech and responsibility for the expression of will. Corruption control is manifested through the visibility of fighting it. As a result of neural network analysis of the importance of growth rates of the Russian management indicators there has been detected an hierarchy of priorities among which the Government efficiency is the most important and the least important are the reign of law, political stability and absence of violence / terrorism.
PPPs have become a popular way to supply infrastructure around the world. However, compared with developed countries, most developing countries have failed to attract private investment over the past ...years. Risk allocation and governance environment (e.g., the extent of public participation, the level of political stability, the quality of public services, the ability of regulations, abiding the law, and the extent of corruption) may be important factors. To test the hypotheses, using about 4560 PPP projects in 138 developing countries from 2002 to 2015, this paper applies the Tobit regression model to investigate the interaction effect of governance environment and risk assumed by private partners on private investment. Results indicate that private partners assume that less risk can attract more private investment, and that a higher level of governance (control of corruption, government effectiveness, regulatory quality, and rule of law) reduces the negative influence of risk assumed by private partners on private investments.
•The interaction effect of governance environment and risk assumed by private partners was investigated.•The governance environment has different moderating effects in different sectors.•A higher level of governance reduces the negative influence of risk assumed by private partners.•Private investors assume less risk can attract more private investment.
Given the foreseeable pervasiveness of artificial intelligence (AI) in modern societies, it is legitimate and necessary to ask the question how this new technology must be shaped to support the ...maintenance and strengthening of constitutional democracy. This paper first describes the four core elements of today's digital power concentration, which need to be seen in cumulation and which, seen together, are both a threat to democracy and to functioning markets. It then recalls the experience with the lawless Internet and the relationship between technology and the law as it has developed in the Internet economy and the experience with GDPR before it moves on to the key question for AI in democracy, namely which of the challenges of AI can be safely and with good conscience left to ethics, and which challenges of AI need to be addressed by rules which are enforceable and encompass the legitimacy of democratic process, thus laws. The paper closes with a call for a new culture of incorporating the principles of democracy, rule of law and human rights by design in AI and a three-level technological impact assessment for new technologies like AI as a practical way forward for this purpose.
This article is part of a theme issue 'Governing artificial intelligence: ethical, legal, and technical opportunities and challenges'.
This article dismantles the myth that the EU's failure to respond adequately to the rise of autocratic member governments has been due to its lack of adequate tools. The EU has used this excuse ...repeatedly to justify engaging in what Laurent Pech calls a new instrument creation cycle - reacting to attacks on democracy and the rule of law not by deploying existing tools but by wasting time creating new ones. The repetition of this cycle has resulted in the creation of a Rule of Law Rube Goldberg machine - a redundant assemblage of mostly useless instruments ostensibly designed to help the EU address backsliding. The pointlessness of many of these tools is underscored when we look closely at the few simple but potentially powerful, MacGyver-like tools that the EU has had at its disposal all along, but which EU leaders have failed to use robustly to defend democracy.
Family Business Growth Around the World Miroshnychenko, Ivan; De Massis, Alfredo; Miller, Danny ...
Entrepreneurship theory and practice,
07/2021, Letnik:
45, Številka:
4
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Growth is important for the long-term success of a business. Regrettably, the impact of family influence on firm growth is largely neglected. We examine whether family firms have a higher growth rate ...than their nonfamily counterparts. Based on a large sample of firms across 43 countries over a 10-year period, we show that family firms on average have higher growth rates than nonfamily firms, and this positive effect is greater for family firms operating in strong national institutional environments which are less corrupt, more democratic, more subject to rule of law, and have effective government policies. We also find that the positive effect of family influence on firm growth varies significantly across different types of family firms and different business cycles. These findings show that family control has an economically significant impact on growth rates and important implications for both family firm theory and practice.
This volume showcases the most recent research by East Asian legal specialists from all over the world on the future of the legal and judicial landscape in East Asia and renewed respect for the rule ...of law in the 21st century.
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