U radu se analiziraju medijske reprezentacije migranata s posebnim fokusom na slučaj pokušaja uspostave prihvatilišta za tražitelje azila u naselju Mala Gorica kod Petrinje. Kretanja prisilnih ...migranata kroz zemlje na balkanskoj ruti nakon zatvaranja Balkanskog koridora stavljaju države u regiji u izazovnu poziciju upravljanja migracijama, te eventualne organizacije i provedbe prihvata i integracije za one koji su u potrebi za međunarodnom izbjegličkom zaštitom ili kojima je ona odobrena. Odabir lokacije i izgradnja ili adaptacija smještajnih objekata, tj. prihvatilišta za tražitelje međunarodne zaštite (azila), često mogu biti mjesta otpora i protesta lokalnog stanovništva zbog odluka vlasti da upravo u njihovoj sredini uspostavi objekt tog tipa i namjene. U procesu informiranja građana i zauzimanja stavova prema "drugima", mediji igraju važnu ulogu budući da, uz druge društvene aktere na pozicijama moći, dominantno (su)oblikuju javni diskurs. Korištenjem kvalitativne analize sadržaja medijskih članaka objavljenih od studenoga 2018. do svibnja 2019. godine (N-52) – i temeljene na pristupu analizi dokumenata Altheidea i Schneidera (2017) – identificirani su diskursi, teme i okviri koji pridonose razumijevanju medijske reprezentacije spomenutog fenomena. Prema analizi argumentacije različitih aktera identificirane su tri teme: odnos žrtve i nasilnika, odnos vlasti i naroda te odnos između "centra" (Zagreb) i "periferije" (Petrinja) – sve tri, u različitim varijacijama, upućuju na problem nejednakosti, odnosno dominacije i subordinacije. Nastavno na njih, identificirana su dva dominantna medijska okvira u izvještavanju: diskurzivna konstrukcija migranata kao društveni problem i sukob kao konstitutivna relacija između društvenih aktera. Taj tip istraživanja omogućuje kritičko promišljanje načina na koji mediji reprezentiraju marginalizirane društvene skupine poput tražitelja azila, što onda potencijalno omogućuje i promjenu tih reprezentacija u javnoj sferi, i to na načine koji bi pridonijeli stvaranju društvenih preduvjeta za inkluzivni i humani tretman marginaliziranih skupina.
The paper analyses media representations of migrants with a special focus on the case of an attempt to establish an accommodation centre for asylum seekers in the Croatian village Mala Gorica near Petrinja. After the closure of the Balkan Corridor, the movement of forced migrants through the countries on the Balkan route put the states in the region in a challenging position. The states had to develop migration management systems that would enable the organisation of acceptance and integration of refugees. The choice of location of reception and accommodation facilities for asylum seekers could often be a contentious issue for the local population. The media play an important role in the process of informing citizens since, along with other social actors in positions of power, they influence and shape the public discourse. In this paper, we used a qualitative content analysis of Croatian media articles published from November 2018 to May 2019 (N-52). In order to identify discourses, themes and frameworks that contribute to the understanding of the media representation of the above phenomenon we used the document analysis approach of Altheide and Schneider (2017). In the analysis of the arguments of various actors three themes were detected: the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator, the relationship between the government and the people, and the relationship between the “center” (Zagreb) and the “periphery” (Petrinja). All three, in different variations, point to the problem of inequality, i.e., domination and subordination. We identified two dominant media frames in reporting: discursive construction of migrants as a social problem and conflict as a constitutive relationship between social actors. We discuss these findings and argue that this type of research enables a critical reflection on the role of media in public representations of marginalised social groups such as asylum seekers, which could then enable a more inclusive social environment and humane treatment of marginalised groups.
U radu se analiziraju karakteristike instrumenata sekuritizacije i njihovo značenje u upravljaju aktuarskim rizicima društava za neživotna osiguranja i reosiguranja. Iako se sekuritizacijom na ...tržište kapitala mogu transferirati različiti rizici, najznačajniji među sekuritiziranim rizicima jesu rizici povezani s katastrofalnim događajima za koje osiguratelji/reosiguratelji ne mogu ostvariti diversifikaciju unutar vlastitog portfelja osiguranja/reosiguranja. Mogućnost proširenja kapaciteta za transfer rizika, smanjivanje izloženosti kreditnom riziku, fiksiranje uvjeta prijenosa rizika na duže razdoblje, kojim se ostvaruje zaštita od fluktuiranja cijene transfera rizika, unaprjeđenje upravljanja kapitalom i unaprjeđenje performansi, glavne su koristi koje osiguratelji/reosiguratelji mogu ostvariti ovom metodom upravljanja rizicima. Ovim prednostima, u odlučivanju o primjeni ove tehnike u upravljanju rizicima, suprotstavljaju se nedostatci, koji u ovisnosti od primijenjenog uvjeta transakcije, obuhvaćaju rizik baze i likvidnosti te obvezu objavljivanja informacija o portfelju osiguranja, a što u konačnici određuje cijenu transfera. U odnosu na reosiguranje i retrocesiju, sekuritizacija ima malo značenje u upravljanju rizicima. Ipak, uvažavajući sve veće razmjere katastrofalnih šteta, te mogućnosti primjene ove tehnike na ostale rizike, mogao bi se očekivati porast značenja ove metode u upravljanju rizicima društava za osiguranje/reosiguranje, ali u svojstvu komplementa reosiguranju, odnosno retrocesiji, ne njihove alternative.
Migracijski val od 2014. do 2016. u kojem je velik broj djece i majki iz država Sjevernog trokuta na putu prema krajnjem odredištu SAD-u bio u tranzitu Meksikom okarakteriziran je krizom. Kriza je ...podrazumijevala postojanje prijetnje koja opravdava provođenje izvanrednih mjera. Teza rada je da pod utjecajem SAD-a Meksiko migrante u tranzitu smatra prijetnjom sigurnosti građanima Meksika, a ne ugroženim pripadnicima istoga kulturnoga kruga koje treba zaštititi. Stoga se prema njima ne odnosi u skladu s ciljem ljudske sigurnosti, već primjenjuje silu. Rad predstavlja studiju slučaja. U prvom odjeljku dani su prikaz vrsta migracija i poimanje migracija u kontekstu ljudske i građanske sigurnosti, dok su u drugom analizirani potisni i privlačni faktori migracija iz država Sjevernog trokuta. U trećem odjeljku prikazana je politika tranzitne države Meksika prema ilegalnim migrantima. U radu je izložen sud o migracijskoj politici Meksika prema migrantima u tranzitu. Zaključeno je da je iz perspektive ljudske sigurnosti politika bila »loša« jer je bila diskriminirajuća i u neskladu s kulturno-političkim kontekstom te moralnim i zakonskim normama. No gledano iz perspektive nacionalne sigurnosti politika je bila »dobra« jer je bila ostvariva, postigla je rezultate uz prihvatljiv trošak ljudi i sredstva i njome su obranjeni državni interesi Meksika – dobri odnosi sa SAD-om.
Socijalni rad usmjeren je k poboljšanju kvalitete života i razvoju potenci- jala pojedinaca, posebice ranjivih osoba, uz adresiranje problema, rizika, nepravdi i nejednakosti u društvu. Načela ...ljudskih prava i socijalne pravde čine temelje socijalnog rada. U eri sekuritizacije terorizma od početka 21. stoljeća zbog sve veće višedimenzionalnosti terorizma preklapaju se i umrežavaju različite politike, procesi i akteri te postupno nestaju granice između socijalnih i sigurnosnih provedbenih politika. Pomak od funkcije profesionalne skrbi ranjivih društvenih skupina k funkciji "nadzora" pojedinaca u interesu očuvanja društvenog poretka i sigurnosti daje socijalnom radu drugačiju ulogu. Socijalne službe i socijalni rad u protuterorističkim djelovanjima postaju podređeni logici sigurnosti. Na temelju analize okvira za uvođenje socijalnog rada u protuteroristički status i uloge socijalnih službi u protuterorizmu autori zaključuju da socijalni rad obavlja funkciju obavještajnog instrumenta nacionalne sigurnosti u protuterorističkim strategijama zapadnih demokracija.
Social work is oriented towards improving the quality of life and devel- oping the potentials of individuals, especially of vulnerable social groups, as well as adressing societal problems, risks, injustices and inequalities. Human rights and social justice constitute the fundamental principles of social work. in the terrorism securitization era, i.e. from the beginning of 21st century, due to the growing multidimensionality of terrorism by which various policies, processes and actors overlap and network, boundaries between social and security policies have been gradually disappearing. Departure from the professional care for vulnerable populations function towards the "surveillance" function, by which individuals are controlled in the interest of preserving social order and security, puts social work in all its meanings in a different role. In counterterrorist action, social services and social work are becoming subordinated to the security logic. By analyzing the framework for introducing social work into counterterrorist status and the role of social services in counterterrorism it becomes clear that social work performs the function of a national security policy intelligence instrument in the counterterrorist strategies of Western democracies.
Nekoliko godina nakon vrhunca migracijske krize iz 2015. godine, ovaj oblik nevojne prijetnje postao je važan dio političke debate na nacionalnoj i nadnacionalnoj razini Europske unije. Republika ...Hrvatska, kao država koja je dio tzv. balkanskog pravca migracija, nije iznimka. Migracijska kriza iz 2015./2016. godine predstavljala je jedno od glavnih pitanja o kojem se raspravljalo tijekom kampanje za predsjedničke izbore 2019./2020. godine u Republici Hrvatskoj. U radu se kritičkom analizom diskursa istražuju stavovi predsjedničkih kandidata Zorana Milanovića i Kolinde Grabar-Kitarović vezani za sigurnosne izazove koje predstavljaju masovne migracije. Kao jedinice analize, u istraživanju su korištene izjave predsjedničkih kandidata prezentirane na tri televizijska sučeljavanja održana tijekom kampanje za predsjedničke izbore.
A few years after the peak of the 2015 migration crisis, this type of nonmilitary threat has become an important part of the political debate at national and supranational level of the European Union. The Republic of Croatia, as a part of the so-called Balkan Route, is no exception. Migration crisis from the 2015/2016 represents one of the most important issues discussed during the 2019/2020 presidential election campaign in the Republic of Croatia. Applying critical discourse analysis, this paper aims to explore the views of presidential candidates Zoran Milanović and Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović regarding the security challenges caused by mass migration. Units of analysis are the statements of the presidential candidates presented at the three television debates held during the presidential election campaign.
This paper examines how COVID ‑19 was constructed as a security threat in Croatia and raises the question if securitization actors faced a securitization dilemma. The securitization dilemma occurs ...when securitization actors try to protect a certain referent object by introducing extraordinary measures which directly endanger another referent object. Alongside basic assumptions of securitization theory and the detection of securitization elements of COVID ‑19 in Croatia, the paper focuses on the introduction and suspension of restrictive measures by which securitization actors alternately protected different referent objects. The research indicates that securitization actors in Croatia used a balanced approach between the protection of public health and the economy as different referent objects.
The link between public health, medicine and safety is not a novelty. The abundance of factual empiricism points to the similarities between warfare technology and medicine: both are population ...‑oriented, strategically important, and they produce security. After all, public health has uses in two areas: warfare and the welfare state. Modern medicine has been developed as a result of action in both areas, as a means of defending the society and as a means of raising the level of well ‑being of the population. Historically, the
safety aspects of medicine and health have been empirically indisputable, although diseases and the health of people and nations have been predominantly treated as issues of health, medicine and development. Redefined security paradigms in the post ‑Cold War period placed (infectious) diseases on a pedestal of security challenges. On January 10, 2000, for the first time in history, the UN Security Council declared a health issue – HIV/AIDS – a threat to international peace and security. The global AIDS pandemic has since become not just a global health and development issue, but one with important security implications: it has direct and indirect effects on human security, social security, national and international security. The issue of health obtained such an empirical confirmation when the COVID ‑19 pandemic was proclaimed a significant threat to peace and security. At the beginning of the 21st century, health is securitized, marked by a threat that calls into question our very existence, requiring urgent and special measures to protect and secure the object (health) that is exposed to the threat. Extension of repressive state powers and introduction of “the state of exception,” or state of emergency, in response to threats in redefined security conditions are becoming, or have already become (as in the case of “war on terror”), a permanent norm. In the face of new risks, known security mechanisms are deficient. Exceptions become the rule, and there is a gradual “normalization of emergency.” In the era of health securitization, the line between health and safety enforcement policies has been blurred. Health security thus conditions the transformation of political powers into forms of “institutionalized excellence”. Is the securitization of health leading to the (in)security of the constitutional order?
This article will attempt to answer two questions; first, in what way did the Government of Mexico attempt to resolve the influx of a large number of migrants, children and family members, from the ...Northern Triangle countries (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras) who were transiting Mexico on their way to the United States in the 2014–2016 period? Second, why have migrants continued to arrive even after the adoption of the Mexican Programa Frontera Sur (PFS) of 2014, which was supposed to resolve the migration crisis and put an end to arrests and deportation? At the same time, the article will try to assess, according to Haines (2013), whether the Mexican post-2014 migration policy has been “good” (in line withthe political and cultural context, achievable and effective with acceptable costs of staff and resources), or “bad” (discriminatory and incompatible with existing moral and legal norms). The thesis of the article is that under the influence of the United States, Mexico is treating migrants in transit as a security threat, rather than as members of the same cultural circle who require protection. So, instead of helping them, Mexico uses coercion to suppress them. While traditional threats are endangering the survival of the state, new threats to the state are also endangering individuals.The article consists of an introduction, three sections and a conclusion. The first section will provide an explanation of the relationship between migration and security (traditional national security and human security). The second section analyses the pull-and-push factors of migration from the Northern Triangle countries. This is followed by Mexico’s transit policy towards illegal migrants, which is discussed in the third section. Case study research was used as a methodological strategy.The migration wave in the 2014–2016 period, consisting of many children and mothers from the Northern Triangle states transiting through Mexico on their way to the United States, was characterised as a crisis. A crisis implies the existence of a threat justifying the imposition of extraordinary measures. The issue of migrants in transit through Mexico was no novelty. Since the late 1980s, under the pressure of the United States, Mexico has been deporting migrants in transit back to their countries of origin.As Mexico has increasingly associated with the United States, there has emerged a growing need for greater compliance with “American requirements” and for the understanding of “American fears” of illegal migrants. After 11 September 2001, the fear became almost paranoid. Mexican presidents Fox, Calderon, and Nieto brought about and implemented a restrictive migration policy in line with the US policy, according to which migrants posed a threat to national security. Although repeatedly emphasising its intention to protect the migrants in transit, Mexico militarised and securitised its migration policy. This was particularly apparent after the 2014 Frontera Sur programme, which applied the same methods – arrest, deportation and denial of asylum – to the vulnerable population of women and children who largely satisfied the criteria for refugee status recognition. The PFS emphasised the intent to protect migrants, to better manage border crossings and to create security and prosperity zones in the south of the country. However, after two years of the programme’s implementation it can be concluded that none of the objectives above have been achieved. Indeed, migrants in transit are additionally exposed to strife, suffering, and violations of their fundamental human rights, both by criminal organisations and the forces of law and order. Therefore, their transit has become much more uncertain than it was before. At the same time, human rights are violated by the state of Mexico itself, which denies migrants the right to asylum or recognition of humanitarian visas. The border in the south of the country has not become more secure. That PFS complies with US interests is apparent from the fact that the United States is its main source of funding, since it has managed to link the combat against drugs and migrants in transit via the Merida Initiative.The question is why have migrants continued to arrive despite everything mentioned above? It was their hope that somehow, they would reach the USA or, in the worst case, remain in Mexico. The most elementary human right, the right to life, is endangered in the countries of the Northern Triangle. In addition to personal insecurity, there are other human security threats in Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador forcing the citizens to flee and emigrate from political, economic, environmental, and health and food insecurity. With everything being said, it is not easy to evaluate the Mexican migration policy. From a perspective of human security, it was “bad” because it was discriminatory and incompatible with the cultural and political context, as well as with moral and legal norms. Evaluated from a national security perspective, it was “good” because it was achievable, it has yielded results with an acceptable cost of staff and resources and has achieved state interests – good relations with the United States. At the same time, it is one of the tools Mexico can use in the future if Trump should decide against Mexican interests (significant taxing of Mexican products or deporting the many Mexican citizens illegally residing in the United States).Since Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador belong to the same cultural (historical, religious and linguistic circle), it was presumed that Mexico would pursue a policy that favours migrants and their protection; however, that did not happen. The authors agree with Kimball (2007: 140) that in the long run, Mexico will not be able to simultaneously advocate and implement both the pro- and anti-immigrant policy.The problem of the migrant wave, mostly consisting of mothers and children from the Northern Triangle countries, who were in transit through Mexico during 2014–2016, was attempted to be resolved via securitisation rather than care about their security. Castles de Haas and Miller (2014: 5) state that in the case of Mexico, there is a proliferation of migration transition, since it is turning from an emigration into an immigration country. To be more specific, with Trump coming to power, Mexico is increasingly not just a transit country, but also an ultimate destination country. Trump’s immigration policy regarding immigrants from Central America suffers from deep historical amnesia related to the role of the USA in the Central American conflict of the 1980s, which has significantly destabilised the region. Moreover, Trump denounces and demonises as dangerous criminals the families, women and children, who have fled from violence contributed to by the USA (Portillo Villeda and Miklos, 2017: 53–54). This is one of the reasons the number of arrested migrants from Central America on the southern border of the United States has significantly decreased, but the number of asylum seekers in Mexico has increased threefold. There is a hope that new Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador would perceive vulnerable Northern Triangle migrants more as a threat to human rather than national security.
Nakon završetka Hladnog rata pristupi proučavanju i definiranju pojma sigurnosti
počinju se ubrzano mijenjati. Među teoretičarima prevladava mišljenje kako
danas govorimo o sigurnosti kao dinamičnom ...društvenom procesu, pa su i prijetnje
sigurnosti raznovrsne, ne više nužno određene isključivo vojnom prijetnjom državnoj
suverenosti. Definiranje sigurnosne prijetnje ovisi o vremenu i prostoru, a jedan
od najznačajnijih doprinosa suvremenom proučavanju fenomena sigurnosti pripada
Kopenhaškoj školi. Buzan, Waever i suradnici etablirali su teoriju sekuritizacije i desekuritizacije
kao instrumentarij označavanja suvremenih prijetnji sigurnosti koju valja
promatrati u kontekstu suvremenog liberalizma. Sekuritizacija određenu pojavu definira
kao prijetnju i premješta je u sferu takozvanog hitnog djelovanja, što je prema
kritičarima Kopenhaške škole i njezin najveći nedostatak budući da takvo postupanje
nosi opasnost od narušavanja demokratskih standarda. Stoga se teorijom desekuritizacije
nastoji otkloniti potencijalno ugrožavanje demokratskog procesa. Naime hitne
mjere mogu biti otklonjene i bez javne rasprave te se problem stavlja na stol političkih
institucija, naravno, ukoliko su argumenti koji govore u prilog odustajanju od hitnih
mjera dovoljno uvjerljivi. Može se ustvrditi kako je država i dalje dominantni akter u
definiranju određenog problema kao prijetnje sigurnosti, ali nipošto jedini. Kada je
riječ o pitanjima ugrožavanja okoliša, civilno se društvo afirmiralo kao vjerodostojan
korektiv državnim institucijama. Međutim i nevladine organizacije koje se bave pitanjima
okoliša nisu jedinstvene kada je riječ o strategijama djelovanja i načinu postizanja
određenih političkih ciljeva, bilo da je riječ o onima koje su aktivne na nacionalnoj
bilo na globalnoj razini.
Cilj je rada istražiti kako je pandemija bolesti COVID-19 utjecala na sigurnosne aspekte u Republici Hrvatskoj. Pandemija COVID-19 započinje u kineskom gradu Wuhanu te se vrlo brzo širi na ostale ...države. Zbog brzog širenja virusa, Svjetska zdravstvena organizacija proglašava pandemiju bolesti COVID-19 11. ožujka 2020. Zbog toga mnoge države u svijetu uvode ograničenja, odnosno lockdown. U radu se prikazuje i objašnjava proces sekuritizacije koje su države morale poduzeti da zaštite zdravlje ljudi. Također, u radu se prikazuje case study na primjeru Republike Hrvatske, odnosno kako je pandemija COVID-19 utjecala na ekonomsku i sigurnosnu paradigmu Republike Hrvatske. U zadnjem dijelu rada govori se o posljedicama pandemije SARS-CoV-2 virusa.
PDF
