This article critically examines the possibilities and limits of self-government in the field of primary education. The theoretical basis consists of the analysis of relevant legal regulations, ...thanks to which a logical legal framework is created. Subsequent research involves a practical comparison of the possibilities of self-government in the case of statutory rules of primary education. The aim of the article is to provide a case study of the implementation of school policy from the point of view of the selected self-government of the municipalities of the Bratislava region.
The issue of decentralization is currently of great importance in Bulgaria. It is related to a number of reforms in local self-government, which require broad public consent. This consent should be ...derived or obtained after conducting a large-scale information campaign to acquaint the Bulgarian public with the administrative, political and financial framework of the local government. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the awareness of the local community on some key topics in the area of municipal revenue. The main method used is the survey method. The obtained results show that the local community has not reached this level of awareness, which would provide a solid basis for civil participation in the local self-government reform process. The conclusion to be drawn is that the state authority must conduct large-scale information campaigns and organize discussions on the issues of decentralization.
In recent history the concept of “public authority” was collective and was not fixed in legislative and normative-legal acts. Under the Law of the Russian Federation on amendment of the ...Constitution of the Russian Federation dated 14.03.2020 № 1-FCL “On improvement of regulation of separate issues of organization and functioning of public authorities” local self-government bodies were eferred to public authorities. According to Article 132 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation “Local self-government bodies and public authorities are part of a unified system of public authority in the Russian Federation and interact to most effectively solve problems in the interests of the population living in the respective territory. Article 35.1 of Federal Law № 131-FL of 06.10.2003 “On General Principles of Organization of Local Self-Government in the Russian Federation” gives elected deputies of a municipal representative body the right to form political factions for the exercise of their powers. The activities of such factions are established and legitimized by a normative legal act of the municipality. As a result of the collapse of the Soviet Union and emergence of the Russian Federation, proc-lamation of democratic values and democratization of society, political parties and other public organizations began to appear. New actors and leaders, were able to organize a collective, turbulently increasing action against the government, which immediately after the end of the protests, mobilized the protest mood of the electorate, which in the elections in 2017, 2019 in Moscow, 2019 in St. Petersburg held in local government in Moscow and St. Petersburg “independent” municipal deputies from the territorial executive government in representative bodies of local government, thereby creating pockets of political and social tension. An important aspect of the political struggle for the degree of influence on political stability, namely the change of power in the municipalities of Svetlanovskoye, Smolninskoye, Ligovka-Yamskoye, Liteiniy District, Vladimirskiy District of St. Petersburg, was the result of an intraparty struggle in the power structures. The intraparty struggle between the executive and legislative branches of power for the degree of territorial influence in St. Petersburg is a characteristic feature of federal cities, with their elites constantly fighting for the maximum concentration of power in their hands. As a result of the insufficient control of the electoral process by the territorial executive bodies of state power in St. Petersburg, an additional opportunity for opposition forces to exercise sufficient quality control of the electoral process for compliance with legislative requirements. As a result of this situation, the representative bodies were formed by independent non-systemic deputies. The pluralism of opinions that emerged in local government became particularly important, since without agreement for decision-making the work of representative bodies of local government was impossible, and consequently the exercise of the constitutional rights of citizens to exercise local government and the legitimate functioning of local government in addressing issues of local importance and the execution of certain state powers was impossible. The existence in the legal field of an internally highly conflictual representative body generates social tension in society, political destabilization and, as a consequence, a general distrust of public authorities in general, since public authorities are directly involved in the formation of local government in St. Petersburg, where the execution of local government authority is associated with such features as a high level of education of citizens, population density, the degree of involvement in electoral processes In 2015, an additional procedure for recruiting heads of municipalities was introduced - the selection of candidates for the post of head by a competitive commission, where half of the commission’s members should be representatives of regional authorities. It was expected that in this way the selection of heads of municipalities would become more controlled. In 2020, the amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation consolidated the “incorporation” of the local level into the system of state (public) power, finally depriving municipal authorities of formal autonomy from the state.
The purpose of the article
is to establish the causes of incapacity of the representative body of local government of St. Petersburg after the municipal elections of 2019, the search for possible ways to create conditions for further functioning of the municipality in the new conditions of pluralism of opinions among the new convocation of municipal deputies, the study of the causes of the created situation, the search and proposal of possible ways to solve the issue of adaptation of the representative body to the new conditions of functioning.
Based on the research conducted, the authors declare the necessity to take measures to respond to the public authorities aimed at finding opportunities and creating conditions for the performance of powers by the representative body, deputies and heads of the municipality in the new conditions of functioning of local self-government.
This article presents a unique historical experiment to explore the dynamics of institutional change in the Middle Ages. We have assembled a novel data set, where information on political ...institutions for northern central Italian cities between 1000 and 1300 is matched with detailed information on the earthquakes that occurred in the area and period of interest. Exploiting the panel structure of the data, we document that the occurrence of an earthquake retarded institutional transition from autocratic regimes to self-government (the commune) in cities where the political and the religious leaders were the same person (episcopal see cities), but not in cities where political and religious powers were distinct (non–episcopal see cities). Such differential effect holds for destructive seismic episodes and for events that were felt by the population but did not cause any material damage to persons or objects. Ancillary results show that seismic events provoked a positive and statistically significant differential effect on the construction and further ornamentation of religious buildings between episcopal and non–episcopal see cities. Our findings are consistent with the idea that earthquakes, interpreted in the Middle Ages as manifestation of the will and outrage of God, represented a shock to people’s religious beliefs and, as a consequence, enhanced the ability of political-religious leaders to restore social order after a crisis relative to the emerging communal institutions. This interpretation is supported by historical evidence.
Se ha planteado por un sector de la doctrina internacional que el federalismo prácticamente no hace ninguna diferencia en la forma en que se gobierna a las personas ni tiene una relación directa con ...la democracia. Lo dicho lleva a preguntar si en México ha hecho alguna diferencia y qué relación tiene con la democracia. El trabajo tiene como objeto confrontar los argumentos que comúnmente se vierten para defender el federalismo a través de un análisis deductivo-inductivo. Se plantea como hipótesis principal que ninguno de los argumentos es suficiente para que un país con las características de México adopte el sistema federal dual de competencias. Asimismo, se maneja como hipótesis derivada que es requisito indefectible para un federalismo exitoso que las partes constitutivas sean autogobernables y autosuficientes, lo cual no ocurre en la gran mayoría de los gobiernos locales en México.
Desde los mismos orígenes de nuestro Estado autonómico se pusieron sobre la mesa dos visiones diferenciadas e incompatibles de aquellos rasgos esenciales sobre los que se asentaría en gran medida ...nuestro modelo constitucional de descentralización territorial del poder. Dos visiones que han estado igualmente presentes, y en liza, en el desarrollo de otros sistemas de descentralización de nuestro entorno occidental y que se pueden reconducir a los conceptos de federalismo dual y de federalismo cooperativo/coercitivo. De la interpretación de nuestro modelo, realizada por el Tribunal Constitucional se deriva que el grado de autogobierno autonómico es variable y dinámico, pues lo que puedan o no puedan hacer los poderes autonómicos va a depender de como haya ejercido en la práctica sus competencias constitucionales el Estado.
The Coalition between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats, formally created on 11
th
May 2010, has introduced a range of initiatives which affect local governance, from the announcement of a new ...Localism Bill through to the abolition of the Audit Commission and the arrival of the 'Big Society' agenda. This article reviews the key policy announcements of the Coalition's first year and analyses the underlying themes and trends which are emerging. It argues that the Coalition's reforms do show traces of an ideological commitment to localism and a new understanding of local self-government; there is an ideological agenda which has the potential to deliver a radically different form of local governance. However, the reform process is far from coherent and the potential for radical change is heavily constrained by: conflicts in Conservative thinking and the failure of the Liberal Democrats to assert their own ideology; the political expediency of budget cuts during an era of austerity and; the problems of implementing an apparently radical agenda after 13 years of New Labour.
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