This article builds on the criticism of the international socialisation narrative which mistakenly represents compliance as socialisation and recognises agency only to the extent it fails to comply. ...It pertains to the argument that such a narrative can lead to stigmatisation which reinforces social orders characterised by specific hierarchies of power and spatial relations. The example of EU member states from Central Europe (CE) that went from ‘star pupils of norm adoption’ to ‘misbehaving children of Europe’ serves as a case study. The research of literature treating CE countries as socialisees and international organisations (OSCE, NATO and EU) as socialisers shows two things. Firstly, it demonstrates that CE countries internalised norms even before they complied with norm-based rules, which challenges views that (under)socialisation was (is) an issue with these states. Secondly, it shows that non-compliance of the CE countries did not have much to do with non-acceptance of norms as such. It was rather related to hypersensitivity towards specific norms and rules in a context of multiple crises with asymmetric effects for the CE countries. In this process, the EU and CE used (non)compliance to reinforce their identities, thus creating stigma (the EU) and the attempt to resist it or even wear it as the source of pride (CE).
This compilation of essays by scholars from the region, Western Europe, and the US, explores the intersection of international politics in the post-Yugoslav states with a focus on the influence and ...impact of the European Union, the United States, Russia, China, and Turkey. The implications of external actors’ policy in the region for its Euro-Atlantic integration, its security, and stability are examined and discussed. In assessing the importance of the post-Yugoslav states for the EU and US and the current trend of disengagement by these two democratic actors in the region, answers are revealed regarding the question whether we are seeing a new Eastern Question emerging in the post-Yugoslav states. Likewise, when looking at the role of Russia, China, and Turkey in the region—and in contrast to European and US policies—, it becomes obvious to what extent the region, once again, is becoming the playground of Great Power games and wider geopolitical strategic interests.
The analytical time frame covers the period 1991–2018. The changes in the foreign policies of great powers are explored as they relate to the institutional set-up of the region. For instance, do the changes affect the EU’s hegemony in the region? Do Russia, China, and Turkey actively contribute to changing the rules of the game in the region—be it the accession process or regional cooperation?
This article analyses the history and practice of the involvement of the us Congress in inter-parliamentary cooperation and diplomacy, with a specific case study of its members' involvement in the ...Parliamentary Assembly of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (nato pa), as a leading international parliamentary institution (ipi) in the field of international security. It argues that while members of Congress have participated in the activities of ipis in the past, they mostly focus on domestic affairs and are therefore less keen on engaging with ipis. Nevertheless, they do keep in close touch with transatlantic ipis. This is in line with us foreign policy, which places transatlantic relations at the top of the United States' strategic interests. The article focuses on Congressional participation in the work of the nato pa before and during nato's enlargement. It shows that Congress and its members can help the nato pa to play a visible role in transatlantic affairs.
The aim of this paper is to analyse the role and importance of the position of Secretary-General of the United Nations (UN). This article is based on the thesis that a high level of independence of ...the Secretary-General in formulating and implementing UN policies brings certain risks because member states, especially the permanent members of the Security Council, are unwilling to accept the role of the Secretary-General as an equal player. The lessons learned from past mandates indicate there is considerable mistrust in Secretaries-General. However, this is inconsistent with the challenges from the external environment the UN has to deal with. In the contemporary international community, which is becoming increasingly conflictual, there is a realistic need for a Secretary-General whose primary task, even at the expense of states' interests, would be to actively strengthen the role and image of the UN as an organisation whose existence is critical in any effort to prevent a new world war.
The article draws on Hansen and Wæver's three-layered framework of state-nation-Europe, and applies it to Slovenia and Croatia. The aim is to examine how nation- and state-building affect these ...countries' Europeanization before and after EU accession. The novelty of the contribution is the specific attention paid to the post-Yugoslav space as a reference for nation- and state-building. Our findings underline that the Slovenian and Croatian state-nation concept and its relationship to Europe are not per se fixed frames, but are fluid attitudes, prone to change and reaffirmation. We also establish a comparative difference between the domestic and the Europe layer for the two states.
Organizacija združenih narodov (OZN) je nastajala v usodnih časih za človeštvo. Komaj si je predvsem Evropa opomogla od vojne katastrofalnih razsežnosti, že je sledila nova, tokrat res – svetovna. ...Očitno do tedaj preizkušeni načini zagotavljanja varnosti na lokalni, regionalni in mednarodni ravni preprosto niso zmogli zagotoviti miru. Zato ne preseneča skupna Rooseveltova in Churchillova izjava o “ustanovitvi širšega in stalnega sistema kolektivne varnosti” avgusta 1941, ki jo poznamo pod imenom Atlantska listina. Ne preseneča t.i. Deklaracija Združenih narodov, sprejeta januarja 1942, ki je potrdila Atlantsko listino in ki jo je podpisalo 47 držav. In ne preseneča, da so se države odločile, da bodo kljub nekaterim težavam, še posebej, ko gre za glasovalne pravice v Varnostnem svetu, 26. junija 1945 v San Franciscu podpisale Ustanovno listino Združenih narodov, ki je nato stopila v veljavo 24. oktobra 1945, ko je tudi ustanovni dan OZN.
Intra-regional international institutions are important for the development of a region because they facilitate its coherence and the build-up of common values. The Mediterranean region lacks a ...strong institutional infrastructure, which contributes to the fact that many states in the Mediterranean region, especially the poorer ones, play only a marginal role in Mediterranean affairs. Yet there are some positive developments. The analysis of the existing web of intra-Mediterranean international non-governmental institutions shows that it has been growing stronger since the end of the cold war. Unfortunately, this development has not been matched by the growth of a web of intergovernmental institutions. This makes the contemporary Mediterranean institutional architecture incomplete, and the population there vulnerable to interest from external actors.
While closely examining the behaviour of China in the United Nations, more specifically its newfound commitment to UN peacekeeping, the article discusses the conduct of emerging powers in key ...international organisations. It concludes that China as an ascending power shows no tendency to completely break away from the current international system. Instead, China seeks opportunities within the system, which it uses to support its economic and political interests. This approach brings multiplicative effects for other aspects of China's performance in international institutions, e.g. compensating for the normative criticism it has attracted.
Due to the ongoing refugee crisis that escalated in 2015, thousands of decisions on international protection in the European Union have been issued, of which over 40 per cent were negative. This ...article focuses on the legal position of these rejected asylum-seekers in 17 European Union Member States, within the scope of return procedures that are carried out as a result of the said rejections, in accordance with the rules of the Return Directive. Despite harmonization rules, national legislations have adopted different solutions with regard to the return and removal of these persons. They are examined and outlined while also taking into account the circumstances that prevent and postpone the return or removal. This can result in “limbo” situations, de facto tolerated statuses, official tolerated statuses, or even acquisition of a residence permit. Furthermore, options for regularisation (due to a regularisation programme or a mechanism) of rejected asylum-seekers are analysed and presented. The absence of such options can pose a serious legal and practical obstacle for those who – due to reasons outside of their control – stay, reside, or remain on the territory of a Member State.
The Covid-19 crisis that hit the USA especially hard was accompanied by intensified anti-Chinese racism fuelled by the anti-Chinese rhetoric used by the Trump Administration. Although Trump’s ...political opponents blamed him for having mismanaged the pandemic response, the anti-Chinese stance was a bipartisan issue. The article aims to analyse anti-Chinese racism in its systemic and historical dimensions. It examines the nature and strategic utility of antiChinese racism for past, the Trump, and future administrations as well as for America’s elites generally. It is shown that anti-Chinese racism was substantially transformed during the pandemic and above all utilised to address the general destabilisation of the US-dominated socio-political and socio-economic order both at home and globally. China’s growing importance around the world and the potential domestic destabilisation of the US mean that the strategic utility of anti-Chinese racism may well remain important for some time to come. Keywords: Covid-19 crisis, Trump’s presidency, antiChinese racism, systemic racism, foreign policy
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