The persistence of socioeconomic inequalities in health, even in the highly developed ‘welfare states’ of Western Europe, is one of the great disappointments of public health. Health inequalities ...have not only persisted while welfare states were being built up, but on some measures have even widened, and are not smaller in European countries with more generous welfare arrangements. This paper attempts to identify potential explanations for this paradox, by reviewing nine modern ‘theories’ of the explanation of health inequalities. The theories reviewed are: mathematical artifact, fundamental causes, life course perspective, social selection, personal characteristics, neo-materialism, psychosocial factors, diffusion of innovations, and cultural capital.
Based on these theories it is hypothesized that three circumstances may help to explain the persistence of health inequalities despite attenuation of inequalities in material conditions by the welfare state: (1) inequalities in access to material and immaterial resources have not been eliminated by the welfare state, and are still substantial; (2) due to greater intergenerational mobility, the composition of lower socioeconomic groups has become more homogeneous with regard to personal characteristics associated with ill-health; and (3) due to a change in epidemiological regime, in which consumption behavior became the most important determinant of ill-health, the marginal benefits of the immaterial resources to which a higher social position gives access have increased.
Further research is necessary to test these hypotheses. If they are correct, the persistence of health inequalities in modern European welfare states can partly be seen as a failure of these welfare states to implement more radical redistribution measures, and partly as a form of ‘bad luck’ related to concurrent developments that have changed the composition of socioeconomic groups and made health inequalities more sensitive to immaterial factors. It is argued that normative evaluations of health inequalities should take these explanations into account, and that a direct attack on the personal, psychosocial and cultural determinants of health inequalities may be necessary to achieve a substantial reduction of health inequalities.
► The persistence of health inequalities in the modern welfare states of Western Europe is difficult to explain. ► We hypothesize that it is partly due to persisting inequalities in access to material and immaterial resources. ► We hypothesize that it is partly due to greater intergenerational social mobility and stronger selection. ► We hypothesize that it is partly due to consumption behavior becoming the most important determinant of ill-health. ► Tackling the personal, psychosocial and cultural determinants of health inequalities is needed to reduce health inequalities.
The persistence of socioeconomic inequalities in health, despite all that has been done to reduce social and economic inequalities in many European countries, is one of the great disappointments of ...public health. In this paper, I summarize the results of a series of studies into the explanation of variations and trends in inequalities in mortality in three European regions: the Nordic countries with their puzzlingly large inequalities in mortality, Southern European countries with their miraculously small inequalities in mortality and Central & Eastern European countries in which inequalities in mortality have disastrously exploded since the early 1990 s. The results of these studies show that inequalities in mortality are remarkably variable and dynamic, which suggests that it may be possible to reduce them if we exploit the entry-points for policy that these studies have also identified, such as poverty, smoking, excessive alcohol consumption and lack of access to health care. At the same time, another lesson is that health inequalities are influenced in sometimes unexpected ways by factors that are not under our control, and that we cannot expect to eliminate these health inequalities soon.
Background: Japan is one of the world’s largest tobacco epidemic countries but few studies have focused on socioeconomic inequalities. We aimed to examine whether socioeconomic inequalities in ...smoking have reduced in Japan in recent times. Methods: We analyzed data from the Comprehensive Survey of Living Conditions, a large nationally representative survey conducted every 3 years (n ≈ 700,000 per year) in Japan, during 2001–2016. Age-standardized smoking prevalence was computed based on occupational class and educational level. We calculated smoking prevalence difference (PD) and ratio (PR) of (a) manual workers versus upper non-manual workers and (b) low versus high educational level. The slope index of inequality (SII) and relative index inequality (RII) by educational level were used as inequality measures. Results: Overall smoking prevalence (25–64 years) decreased from 56.0% to 38.4% among men and from 17.0% to 13.0% among women during 2001–2016. The PD between manual and upper non-manual workers (25–64 years) increased from 11.9% (95% confidence interval CI, 11.0–12.9%) to 14.6% (95% CI, 13.5–15.6%) during 2001–2016. In 2016, smoking prevalence (25–64 years) for low, middle, and highly educated individuals were 57.8%, 43.9%, and 27.8% for men, and 34.7%, 15.9%, and 5.6% for women, respectively. SII and RII by educational level increased among both sexes. Larger socioeconomic differences in smoking prevalence were observed in younger generations, which suggests that socioeconomic inequalities in smoking evolve in a cohort pattern. Conclusions: Socioeconomic inequalities in smoking widened between 2001 and 2016 in Japan, which indicates that health inequalities will continue to exist in near future.
Socioeconomic inequalities in alcohol-related mortality have been documented in several European countries, but it is unknown whether the magnitude of these inequalities differs between countries and ...whether these inequalities increase or decrease over time.
We collected and harmonized data on mortality from four alcohol-related causes (alcoholic psychosis, dependence, and abuse; alcoholic cardiomyopathy; alcoholic liver cirrhosis; and accidental poisoning by alcohol) by age, sex, education level, and occupational class in 20 European populations from 17 different countries, both for a recent period and for previous points in time, using data from mortality registers. Mortality was age-standardized using the European Standard Population, and measures for both relative and absolute inequality between low and high socioeconomic groups (as measured by educational level and occupational class) were calculated. Rates of alcohol-related mortality are higher in lower educational and occupational groups in all countries. Both relative and absolute inequalities are largest in Eastern Europe, and Finland and Denmark also have very large absolute inequalities in alcohol-related mortality. For example, for educational inequality among Finnish men, the relative index of inequality is 3.6 (95% CI 3.3-4.0) and the slope index of inequality is 112.5 (95% CI 106.2-118.8) deaths per 100,000 person-years. Over time, the relative inequality in alcohol-related mortality has increased in many countries, but the main change is a strong rise of absolute inequality in several countries in Eastern Europe (Hungary, Lithuania, Estonia) and Northern Europe (Finland, Denmark) because of a rapid rise in alcohol-related mortality in lower socioeconomic groups. In some of these countries, alcohol-related causes now account for 10% or more of the socioeconomic inequality in total mortality. Because our study relies on routinely collected underlying causes of death, it is likely that our results underestimate the true extent of the problem.
Alcohol-related conditions play an important role in generating inequalities in total mortality in many European countries. Countering increases in alcohol-related mortality in lower socioeconomic groups is essential for reducing inequalities in mortality. Studies of why such increases have not occurred in countries like France, Switzerland, Spain, and Italy can help in developing evidence-based policies in other European countries.
Summary The share of migrants in European populations is substantial and growing, despite a slowdown in immigration after the global economic crisis. This paper describes key aspects of migration and ...health in Europe, including the scale of international migration, available data for migrant health, barriers to accessing health services, ways of improving health service provision to migrants, and migrant health policies that have been adopted across Europe. Improvement of migrant health and provision of access for migrants to appropriate health services is not without challenges, but knowledge about what steps need to be taken to achieve these aims is increasing.
This essay explores the amazing phenomenon that in Europe since ca. 1700 most diseases have shown a pattern of 'rise-and-fall'. It argues that the rise of so many diseases indicates that their ...ultimate cause is not to be sought within the body, but in the interaction between humans and their environment. In their tireless pursuit of a better life, Europeans have constantly engaged in new activities which exposed them to new health risks, at a pace that evolution could not keep up with. Fortunately, most diseases have also declined again, mainly as a result of human interventions, in the form of public health interventions or improvements in medical care. The virtually continuous succession of diseases starting to fall in the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries suggests that the concept of an “epidemiological transition” has limited usefulness.
Ageing in the European Union Rechel, Bernd, Dr; Grundy, Emily, Prof; Robine, Jean-Marie, Prof ...
The Lancet (British edition),
04/2013, Volume:
381, Issue:
9874
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
The ageing of European populations presents health, long-term care, and welfare systems with new challenges. Although reports of ageing as a fundamental threat to the welfare state seem exaggerated, ...societies have to embrace various policy options to improve the robustness of health, long-term care, and welfare systems in Europe and to help people to stay healthy and active in old age. These policy options include prevention and health promotion, better self-care, increased coordination of care, improved management of hospital admissions and discharges, improved systems of long-term care, and new work and pension arrangements. Ageing of the health workforce is another challenge, and policies will need to be pursued that meet the particular needs of older workers (ie, those aged 50 years or older) while recruiting young practitioners.
Financial crisis, austerity, and health in Europe Karanikolos, Marina, MSc; Mladovsky, Philipa, MSc; Cylus, Jonathan, MSc ...
The Lancet (British edition),
04/2013, Volume:
381, Issue:
9874
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
The financial crisis in Europe has posed major threats and opportunities to health. We trace the origins of the economic crisis in Europe and the responses of governments, examine the effect on ...health systems, and review the effects of previous economic downturns on health to predict the likely consequences for the present. We then compare our predictions with available evidence for the effects of the crisis on health. Whereas immediate rises in suicides and falls in road traffic deaths were anticipated, other consequences, such as HIV outbreaks, were not, and are better understood as products of state retrenchment. Greece, Spain, and Portugal adopted strict fiscal austerity; their economies continue to recede and strain on their health-care systems is growing. Suicides and outbreaks of infectious diseases are becoming more common in these countries, and budget cuts have restricted access to health care. By contrast, Iceland rejected austerity through a popular vote, and the financial crisis seems to have had few or no discernible effects on health. Although there are many potentially confounding differences between countries, our analysis suggests that, although recessions pose risks to health, the interaction of fiscal austerity with economic shocks and weak social protection is what ultimately seems to escalate health and social crises in Europe. Policy decisions about how to respond to economic crises have pronounced and unintended effects on public health, yet public health voices have remained largely silent during the economic crisis.
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