To define intergroup reconciliation is still a dynamic topic in social-psychological research, and lay people are seldom included in the study. Given that post-conflict processes in the context of ...Bosnia and Herzegovina are still marked by ethnic divisions, the main aim of our research has been to explore how Serbs and Bosniaks define reconciliation. We applied focus groups methodology to investigate this question. Eight mono-ethnic focus groups were conducted with Serbs and Bosniaks, in Sarajevo and Banja Luka. 56 people participated in total. The results showed that both groups defined reconcili-ation in terms of accepting the outgroup, achieving ordinary life and political reconciliation. However, groups differed in certain definitions. Bosniaks conceptualized reconciliation as facing the past, resolving past issues, economic sustainability, and future orientation. Parts of definition provided mostly by Serbs included cooperation, respect, understanding, and building relationships. Results were discussed in the light of available reconciliation literature, as well as collective narratives about 1990s war.
Istraživanjem se razmatrao značaj personalnih korelata kvaliteta bliskih odnosa u odraslom dobu. Postavilo se pitanje u kojoj meri osobine ličnosti i afektivna vezanost doprinose njihovom kvalitetu. ...Istraživanje je realizovano 2015. godine u Novom Sadu na uzorku od 400 ispitanika oba pola, uzrasta od 19 do 51 godine, putem mernih instrumenata: Inventar mreže socijalnih odnosa, Velikih pet plus dva, Upitnik za procenu afektivne vezanosti. Modeli hijerarhijske regresije za kvalitet bliskih odnosa (p < .01) ukazuju na značajnost pojedinih osobina ličnosti i dimenzija afektivne vezanosti. U najslabijem slučaju, pretpostavljeni model objašnjava 5% varijanse kvalite-ta odnosa sa ocem. Osobina ekstraverzija je značajni korelat većine bliskih odnosa (najniža prediktorska snaga za odnos sa ocem i partnerom β = .13). Slede ju negativna valenca i savesnost, dok se afektivna vezanost pokazuje značajnom u slučaju odnosa sa braćom/sestrama. Različiti korelati ličnosti i afektivne vezanosti se pokazuju značajni za različite bliske odnose što je protumačeno razlikama po pitanju mehanizama funkcionisanja bliskih odnosa i njihove uloge i funkcija u životu pojedinaca.
Misrecognition describes everyday practices that deny the autonomy of minority members to define who they are and instead impose identities that may diverge from their own sense of self. Being ...misrecognized is particularly relevant for the historically marginalized Roma people, whose national belonging is repeatedly questioned despite centuries of co‐existence and citizenship. Our aim was to understand whether the experience of misrecognition, along with discrimination, would predict identification patterns that represent an obstacle to dual identification among Roma people in three East‐Central European countries: Hungary, Romania and Serbia. We collected data among Roma participants online and face‐to‐face with convenience sampling (N = 1,325). Latent class analysis revealed three similar classes based on national and ethnic identification scores in all subsamples: (1) disidentification, (2) Roma identification and (3) dual identification. Logistic regression analysis showed that misrecognition and discrimination predicted stronger Roma identity than dual identification in Hungary and Serbia. However, misrecognition predicted stronger dual identification in Romania, possibly as a reaffirmation strategy in response to misrecognition. Our results show that misrecognition can add to our understanding of minority group members' identification with the superordinate category of the nation as well as subgroup ethnic minority identity, and this connection could be key for advancing Roma inclusion.
Ovaj rad bavio se utvrđivanjem faktora koji doprinose nastanku i snazi negativnih stavova prema pripadnicima tuđih grupa, odnosno, konkretno, rodnih predrasuda. S obzirom na specifičnosti većeg ...istraživanja iz kojeg je ovaj rad i nastao, uzorak je bio donekle selekcionisan (u uzorak nisu ušli pripadnici romske nacionalne zajednice, kao ni ispitanici stariji od 51 godine). Ukupan uzorak činilo je 614 ispitanika sa teritorije Vojvodine, podeljenih po nekoliko bitnih varijabli, a na osnovu kvota iz popisa stanovništva 2002. godine. U istraživanju je korišćena baterija testova za ispitivanje različitih relevantnih varijabli i to: Rozenbergova skala samopoštovanja, Skala orijentacije ka društvenoj (socijalnoj) dominaciji, AutoritarNoSt, Skala predrasuda prema ženama i Skala predrasuda prema muškarcima. Istraživanje je sprovedeno u toku 2009. godine na teritoriji većih gradova Vojvodine (Novi Sad, Senta, Sombor, Subotica, Kikinda itd), kao i manjih gradova i sela (Bačka Palanka, Odžaci, Kljajićevo i sl). Rezultati pokazuju da postoji statistički značajna razlika u izraženosti rodnih predrasuda u odnosu na pol ispitanika, materijalno stanje, mesto odrastanja i obrazovanje, a takođe su utvrđene značajne povezanosti rodnih predrasuda i autoritarnosti, orijentacije ka socijalnoj dominaciji, samopoštovanja i snage socijalnog identiteta.
Not many studies have dealt with how Serbs from Serbia see Croats and Bosniaks in the light of the wars from 1990s. In our study, we used a quasi-experimental approach to assess the type of ...stereotypes provoked in Serbs, and their relationship to social distance and the national identity. The sample consisted of 66 participants of Serbian ethnicity, born between 1991 and 1995, who are residing in Serbia. The instruments included Social Distance Scale, National Identity Scale, socio-demographic questionnaire and a set of collective memory stimuli followed by a set of questions. As stimuli, we used shortened versions of collective memories as described by Ruiz Jiménez (2013), in order to set a context which referred to the 1990s wars. The results have shown that the described stimuli have impactneither on stereotypes nor on the social distance and the national identity of participants. However, the social distance is lower than in previous studies in the region, and Croats are consistently seen in more negative terms than Bosniaks and Serbs.
Researches of the correlates of the national identity are plentiful both in Serbian and foreign literature. However, in the past decade or so, a new social identity starts to make its way into the ...researches of the social psychologists-European identity or the sense of belonging to the Europe and the Europeans. This paper deals with the relation between national and European identity, as well as with the correlates of both of these, or one of them. The sample consisted of 451 subjects, all residents of major cities in the Vojvodina region (northern Serbia), divided into several categories-ethnicity (Serbs and Hungarians), educational level (primary and secondary school or University degree), gender and age. Several scales have been used: Cinnirela's national and European identity scale, Collective self-esteem scale, scale measuring attitudes towards the European integration-STEIN and Social dominance orientation scale-SDO. The questionnaire with the demographic characteristics has also been the part of the instrument. The research has been conducted in 2005 and 2006 in the all of the major Vojvodinian cities. Results show the relation between national and European identity is foggy, but general conclusion is that we can observe them as independent identities. The correlates of the national identity were ethnicity, high social dominance orientation, high collective self-esteem and negative attitude towards the European integrations. Correlates of the European identity were fewer: ethnicity, positive attitude towards the European integration and low social dominance orientation.
Pitanje korelata nacionalnog identiteta, kao i objasnjenja ovog pojma su mnogobrojna kako u stranoj tako i u nasoj literaturi. Medjutim, u poslednjih desetak godina, jos jedna vrsta socijalnog identiteta zaokuplja paznju psihologa- evropski identitet, ili osecaj pripadnosti i vezanosti za Evropu i Evropljane. Ovaj rad bavi se odnosom nacionalnog i evropskog identiteta, kao i njihovih korelata. Uzorak istrazivanja cinio je 451 ispitanik sa teritorije Vojvodine podeljenih u nekoliko kategorija: etnicka pripadnost (Srbi i Madjari), obrazovanje (osnovna ili srednja, odnosno visa ili visoka skola), pol i starost (18-26, odnosno 30-50 godina). Za potrebe ovog rada korisceno je nekoliko skala i to: Cinnirelina skala nacionalnog identiteta, Cinnirelina skala evropskog identiteta, skala kolektivnog samopostovanja, skala stavova prema evropskim integracijama - STEIN i skala orijentacije ka socijalnoj dominaciji - SDO. Pored ovih skala, koriscen je i upitnik sa sociodemografskim podacima.Istrazivanje je sprovedeno u toku 2005. i 2006. godine na teritoriji vecih gradova Vojvodine (Novi Sad, Senta, Sombor, Subotica, Kikinda itd.) pri cemu se vodilo racuna o ravnomernoj regionalnoj zastupljenosti. Rezultati pokazuju da je veza izmedju nacionalnog i evropskog identiteta nejasna, ali da se generalno moze zakljuciti da su ovo dve nezavisne vrste identiteta. Kao korelati nacionalnog identiteta utvrdjeni su nacionalnost ispitanika orijentacija ka socijalnoj dominaciji, kolektivno samopostovanje i stav prema evropskim integracijama. Korelata evropskog identiteta je manje i to su nacionalnost, stav prema evropskim integracijama i orijentacija ka socijalnoj dominaciji.
In this paper, we explored the in-group and outer-group social distance
towards sex workers and its relations to authoritarianism, social dominance
orientation and self-respect. The sample consisted ...of 92 participants from
the general population and 45 female sex workers (age 18-50). The instruments
used were the Bogardus social distance scale, the Authoritarianism scale
UPA-S, the Social dominance orientation scale and the Rosenberg self-respect
scale. The results indicate a rather high social distance towards sex
workers, including the distance by the general population being higher than
the distance of the sex workers towards their own group. The correlation of
authoritarianism and social distance was significant, as was the correlation
between authoritarian aggressiveness and stoicism and social distance. The
relationship between social dominance orientation and self-respect and social
distance in our research has been statistically insignificant, however it
demonstrates the expected trends.
For the past few decades, European integration has been one of the primary issues not just in politics, but also in the social sciences. This issue becomes even more important when research takes ...place in countries where the population is ambivalent in their support for the EU and European integration. The main aims of the study presented in this paper are to investigate differences in Serbia and Croatia in proEuropean orientation and the perception of European integration (EI) as a threat, and to determine the factors underlying both constructs by focusing on sociodemographic variables, the importance of religion, and different forms of national attachment. The results show that citizens of Croatia have a stronger pro-European orientation, while there is no difference in the perception of EI as a threat. Pro-European orientation is determined by the respondents' national identity (in both countries) and gender, the importance of religion, and national pride in the state (only in Serbia). The significant predictors for the perception of EI as a threat were constructive patriotism and national pride in successful individuals (in Serbia), blind patriotism (in Croatia) and the importance of religion (in both countries). The practical importance of the results could be in understanding the obstacles and reservations different people have regarding European integrations.
This paper deals with political attitudes of voters in the Vojvodina region and some correlates of these attitudes. Sample was 302 people, all voters of either six of the parties currently in the ...Serbian parliament (DSS, SRS, SPS, G17+, DS or SPO), or three of the other major parties in Vojvodina (LSV, PSS or SVM). Instruments used were: political attitude scale, social dominance orientation scale (SDO), and a questionnaire dealing with several important issues, such as support for the integration of Serbia into European Union. Factor analysis extracted six factors at the political attitudes scale-antimilitarism, support for the better minority status in the society, support for the different social issues, openness to the world, liberalism and conservativism. All differences concerning the voters? preferences were statistically significant (p < .01). Also, differences at the SDO scale also proved to be significant, as well as correlations between SDO scale and all of the political attitudes factors (correlation varied from .17 to .39). All of these correlations were negative, except for the SDO-conservativism scale. Another difference has been found at the perceived importance of different group identification. Groups were- person's ethnic group, Vojvodina, Serbia and Europe. Most important identification was with the Europe and the least one with the Serbia. Finally, more than 77% of the people in the sample said that they would vote ?yes? at the Serbia joining the EU referendum.
Ovaj rad bavi se politickim stavovima biraca sa teritorije Vojvodine i nekim korelatima tih stavova. Ukupno je ispitano 302 ispitanika glasaca sest parlamentarnih stranaka (DSS, SRS, SPO, DS, G17+ i SPS) i tri stranke koje imaju znacajnu podrsku u Vojvodini (LSV, SVM i PSS). Korisceni instrumenti bili su skala politickih stavova, skala orijentacije ka socijalnoj dominaciji (SDO), kao i kratak upitnika o nekim sociodemografskim varijablama. Faktorskom analizom skale politickih stavova izdvojeno je sest faktora-antimilitarizam, zalaganje za bolji polozaj manjina u drustvu, zalaganje za socijalnu pravdu, otvorenost ka svetu, liberalizam i konzervativizam. Na svim faktorima su utvrdjene statisticki znacajne razlike na nivou p< .01. Takodje, statisticki znacajne razlike nadjene su i na skali SDO, a takodje je utvrdjena i korelacija sa svim faktorima skale politickih stavova (negativna sa svim faktorima, osim sa konzervativizmom - r je iznosio od 0.17 do 0.39). Pokazana je i razlika medju biracima na pitanju koje govori o vaznosti pripadanja pojedinim grupama - pripadnost Vojvodini, Republici Srbiji, Evropi i svojoj naciji. Uoceno je da se najveca vaznost pridaje pripadnosti Evropi, a najmanja pripadnosti Republici Srbiji. Na kraju,velika vecina ispitanika (preko 77%) izjasnila se da bi podrzala ulazak Srbije u Evropsku Uniju, bez obzora na biracko opredeljenje.
U radu su prikazane dve studije, prva namenjena proveri internih metrijskih karakteristika i konstruktne validnosti nove skale za procenu autoritarnosti, UPA-S, a druga pokušaju da se doprinese ...odgovoru na pitanje da li je autoritarnost osobina ličnosti ili sindrom stavova. Ovaj 47- ajtemski instrument predstavlja kombinaciju stavki dve skale – ADO, namenjene proceni autoritarnosti kao osobine ličnosti, i AUT-NS, koja autoritarnost tretira pre svega kao sindrom stavova. Osnovni cilj prve studije bila je provera internih metrijskih karakteristika skale UPA-S. Analizom glavnih komponenti, uz Promax rotaciju, u prostoru merenja skale UPA-S ekstrahovane su tri latentne dimenzije nazvane autoritarna submisivnost, autoritarna agresivnost i stoicizam. Skale formirane na osnovu matrice faktorskog sklopa imaju zadovoljavajuće pokazatelje pouzdanosti, homogenosti i reprezentativnosti. Konvergentna validnost skale UPA-S proverena je u okviru druge studije. Konfirmativnom faktorskom analizom testirana su tri modela latentne strukture zajedničkog prostora skala UPA-S, Altemejerove Skale desničarske autoritarnosti, Beogradske revizije F skale autoritarnosti, Skale socijalne dominacije i Skale modernog rasizma. Najadekvatnijim se pokazao model koji podrazumeva dve korelirane latentne dimenzije, od kojih prva obuhvata operacionalizacije autoritarnosti, a druga operacionalizacije srodnih koncepata. Rezultati ukazuju na zadovoljavajuća merna svojstva skale UPA-S, idu u prilog shvatanju autoritarnosti kao višedimenzionalnog konstrukta čiji sadržaj objedinjuje specifični sindrom stavova i indikatore osobina ličnosti koje se tradicionalno smatraju korelatima antidemokratske orijentacije.
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