In the first half of the twentieth century, Jewish immigrants and
refugees sought to rebuild their lives in Chile. Despite their
personal histories of marginalization in Europe, many of these
people ...or their descendants did not take a stand against the 1973
military coup, nor the political persecution that followed. Chilean
Jews' collective failure to repudiate systematic human rights
violations and their tacit support for the military dictatorship
reflected a complicated moral calculus that weighed expediency over
ethical considerations and ignored individual acts of moral
courage. Maxine Lowy draws upon hundreds of first-person
testimonials and archival resources to explore Chilean Jewish
identity in the wake of Pinochet's coup, exposing the complex and
sometimes contradictory development of collective traumatic memory
and political sensibilities in an oppressive new context.
Latent Memory points to processes of community gestures of
moral reparation and signals the pathways to justice and healing
associated with Shoah and the Jewish experience. Lowy asks how
individuals and institutions may overcome fear, indifference, and
convenience to take a stand even under intense political duress,
posing questions applicable to any nation emerging from state
repression.
From secondary-level origins, to its current university-based status, this book highlights the intermingling of policy with structural and process definitions of teacher education throughout Chilean ...history, up until recent market policies, to offer a comprehensive account of educational development in Chile.
The 1980s and '90s saw Latin American governments recognizing the
property rights of Indigenous and Afro-descendent communities as
part of a broader territorial policy shift. But the resulting
...reforms were not applied consistently, more often extending
neoliberal governance than recognizing Indigenous Peoples' rights.
In Negotiating Autonomy , Kelly Bauer explores the
inconsistencies by which the Chilean government transfers land in
response to Mapuche territorial demands. Interviews with community
and government leaders, statistical analysis of an original dataset
of Mapuche mobilization and land transfers, and analysis of policy
documents reveals that many assumptions about post-dictatorship
Chilean politics as technocratic and depoliticized do not apply to
Indigenous policy. Rather, state officials often work to preserve
the hegemony of political and economic elites in the region,
effectively protecting existing market interests over efforts to
extend the neoliberal project to the governance of Mapuche
territorial demands. In addition to complicating understandings of
Chilean governance, these hidden patterns of policy implementation
reveal the numerous ways these governance strategies threaten the
recognition of Indigenous rights and create limited space for
communities to negotiate autonomy.
After seventeen years as dictator of Chile, in 1990 Augusto Pinochet ceremoniously handed the presidential sash to the leader of his legal opposition to formalize the peaceful transition to civilian ...rule in that country. Among the many idiosyncrasies of this extraordinary transfer of political power, the most memorable is the month-long, nationally televised campaign of uncensored political advertising known as the Franja de Propaganda Electoral—the “Official Space for Electoral Propaganda.” Produced by Pinochet’s supporters and the legal opposition, the 1988 Franja campaign set out to encourage voters to participate in a plebiscite that would define the democratic future of Chile. Harry L. Simón Salazar presents a valuable historical account, new empirical research, and a unique theoretical analysis of the televised Franja campaign to examine how it helped the Chilean people reconcile the irreconcilable and stabilize a contradictory relationship between what was politically implausible and what was represented as true and viable in a space of mediated political culture. This contribution to the field of political communication research will be useful for scholars, students, and a general public interested in Latin American history and democracy, as well as researchers of media, communication theory, and cultural studies. Television, Democracy, and the Mediatization of Chilean Politics also helps inform a more critical understanding of contemporary hyper-mediated political movements such as the Arab Spring, Occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter, and the particularly germane phenomenon of Trumpism.
This fourth edition of Historical Dictionary of Chili contains a chronology, an introduction, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 700 cross-referenced entries on important ...personalities, politics, economy, foreign relations, religion, and culture. This book is an excellent access point for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about Chili.
Ekološki porezi, kao jedan od ekonomskih instrumenata u rešavanju ekoloških problema, u savremenim uslovima imaju veliki značaj. Taj svoj značaj oni imaju pre svega u razvijenijim zemljama, dok u ...nedovoljno razvijenim zemljama to nije slučaj. U Čileu koji je predmet analize ovog rada, ekološko oporezivanje postepeno sve više dobija na značaju, na šta posebno ukazuje odluka o početku oporezivanja emisije CO2. Ekološki porezi su izdašniji u Čileu, posmatrajući učešće ovih poreza u ukupnim prikupljenim poreskim prihodima, u odnosu na prosek OECD-a. Porez na emisiju CO2 će početi da se primenjuje od 2018. godine. i pored pozitivnih ekoloških efekata koje će imati, on će takođe imati pozitivnih uticaja i da rast prihoda od ekoloških poreza, što će Čileanskoj vladi omogućiti da na osnovu ovih prihoda rešava i druge probleme prisutne u Zemlji.
Cilj je rada postaviti ishodišta za proučavanje povijesti hrvatskog iseljeničkog novinstva u Čileu od najranijeg razdoblja doseljenja Hrvata do kraja 1914. godine, među kojima je brojčano dominantnu ...grupaciju činilo stanovništvo s Brača. Radilo se prvenstveno o ekonomskoj migraciji uzrokovanoj ekonomskim promjenama u društvu općenito, ali i ekonomskim promjenama kao posljedicama političkih kretanja. U novu domovinu donose tradicionalnu potrebu organiziranja u razna društva, ali i svijest o vlastitoj nacionalnoj pripadnosti s vlastitim jezikom. Neobično brza asimilacija (već u prvoj generaciji) dovodi u pitanje opstojnost te potrebu očuvanja baštine. Iseljeničke novine u kojima surađuju, uređuju ih i pokreću Bračani – novinari, među kojima se ističu Ivan Krstulović i Luka Bonačić s novinama „Domovina“ iz Punta Arenasa, u dosadašnjoj literaturi sagledavane su gotovo isključivo s aspekta političke orijentacije i borbe. Cilj je rada kroz primjer rubrike „Iz mjesta i okolice“, koja je održala kontinuitet tijekom cijelog razdoblja izlaženja lista „Domovina“ i čijim je sastavnim dijelom bila, prikazati, s aspekta socijalne povijesti, da su lokalne novine odražavale i bilježile pojave i događanja značajna za svakodnevni život zajednice sa svrhom očuvanja njezina identiteta.
La Vida Doble Fontaine, Arturo; McDowell, Megan
05/2013
eBook
Set in the darkest years of the Pinochet dictatorship,La Vida Dobleis the story of Lorena, a leftist militant who arrives at a merciless turning point when every choice she confronts is impossible. ...Captured by agents of the Chilean repression, withstanding brutal torture to save her comrades, she must now either forsake the allegiances of motherhood or betray the political ideals to which she is deeply committed.
Arturo Fontaine's Lorena is a study in contradictions-mother and combatant, intellectual and lover, idealist and traitor-and he places her within a historical context that confounds her dilemmas. Though she has few viable options, she is no mere victim, and Fontaine disallows any comfortable high moral ground. His novel is among the most subtle explorations of human violence ever written.
Ranking with Roberto Bolaño and Mario Vargas Llosa on Latin America's roster of most accomplished authors, Fontaine is a fearless explorer of the most sordid and controversial aspects of Chile's history and culture. He addresses a set of moral questions specific to Pinochet's murderous reign but invites us, four decades later, to consider global conflicts today and question how far we've come.
Početkom 21. stoljeća Tonči Baždarić spasio je s otpada oko tisuću negativa na staklu korčulanskog fotografa Jakova Peručića i većinu ih donirao Arhivskomu sabirnomu centru Korčula-Lastovo 2013. ...godine. Digitalizacijom doniranih negativa započelo je i arhivsko istraživanje o životnom putu tog Korčulanina i dosad malo poznatog fotografa. Kao plod dvogodišnjeg istraživanja, autori u tekstu daju prikaz dosad skupljenih podataka o njegovu životu i stvaralaštvu, koje se može podijeliti u tri faze: južnoameričku od kraja 19. stoljeća do 1911.(?), korčulansku od 1911. do 1921. te zadarsku od 1921. do 1933., o kojoj je već pisao Abdulah Seferović. Uz nepoznate biografske podatke, koje su dobrim dijelom crpili i iz samih fotonegativa, autori su opisali Zbirku fotografija Jakova Peručića u Arhivskom sabirnom centru Korčula-Lastovo, kao i dio Peručićevih negativa koji se čuva u privatnom vlasništvu Vicka Ivančevića. U tekstu je dana i kraća analiza Peručićeva fotoopusa te se zaključuje kako je Peručićeva fotografija ne samo prvorazredni dokument vremena za prijelaz 19. u 20. stoljeće u Čileu i Argentini, razdoblje Prvog svjetskog rata i Prve talijanske okupacije u gradu Korčuli (1918.–1921.), te uopće povijest svakodnevice početka 20. stoljeća, nego i važno otkriće za povijest hrvatske fotografije.
U ovom radu pokazat ćemo kako se tri povijesna muzeja u regiji Magallanes u Čileu – Muzej sjećanja (Museo de Recuerdo), Regionalni muzej Braun-Menéndez (Museo Regional Braun-Menéndez) i Salezijanski ...muzej Maggiorino Borgatello (Museo Salesiano Maggiorino Borgatello) – odnose prema određenim događajima iz prošlosti regije i kako artikuliraju društveno sjećanje na te događaje. Svaki muzej to čini na svoj način: narativi u muzejima ponekad gotovo da prešućuju neke momente i aktere u opisivanju povijesti i razvoja regije, a favoriziraju i mitiziraju druge i ne uvijek iste, što možemo tumačiti kao borbu različitih diskursa za moć odnosno za dominaciju nad hegemonijskim diskursom sjećanja. Budući da muzeji konstrukcijom društvenog sjećanja oblikuju društvene identitete u sadašnjosti (Bal 1999:vii; Hirsch 1997:22; Huyssen 1995:249; Zerubavel 2007), na kraju ćemo pokazati i kakve efekte na društvenu stvarnost ima dominantno društveno sjećanje konstruirano u spomenutim muzejima.
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