Nicolae Şuţu (Arnăut-Keuy, October 25, 1798-Făurei, January 10, 1871) was a Romanian economist, writer and statesman. He contributed to spreading the ideas of economic liberalism all over the ...Romanian Principalities, as well as to putting those ideas into practice. The measures he brought forward and the efforts he made in order to accomplish them make him an important reformer of his country. The purpose of this paper is to present the author’s main economic ideas in a scientifically explanatory manner and to draw a correlation between them and the principal economic ideology of those times.
Ion Ghica (Bucharest, August 12, 1816 - Ghergani, May 7, 1897) was a Romanian engineer, writer and politician. He was among the first to try to adapt the ideas of the liberal economic school to the ...realities that existed in our country back then. He actively fought for the development of the national economy through increasing production in quantity and quality and through building railways. The purpose of this paper is to emphasize not only Ghica’s contributions to adapting classical liberal economic ideas to the Romanian socio-economic conditions in those times but also the specific elements of his economic thinking.
The speed with which Algeria has gone from symbol of revolutionary
socialism to Islamic battleground has confounded most observers.
Charting Algeria's political evolution from the turn of the century
...to the present, Robert Malley explores the historical and
intellectual underpinnings of the current crisis. His analysis
helps makes sense of the civil war that is tearing Algeria apart.
Using contemporary Algerian politics as a case study of the
intellectual movement labeled "Third Worldism," Malley's thoughtful
analysis also elucidates the broader transformations affecting
countries of the Third World that once embraced ideologies of
state-centered radical change. Malley focuses on the interplay
between politics, economics, and ideology to explain the rise,
essential components, and precipitous decline of Third Worldism-a
movement that attracted scholars and activists in both the
developed and underdeveloped worlds from the mid 1950s to the mid
1980s. He relates the disillusionment with Third Worldism to the
growing appeal in the Third World of economic liberalism, versions
of political pluralism, and ideological movements that threaten the
very existence of the central state. At a time when the public
increasingly is associating countries of the less developed world
with Islamism, tribalism, and ethnic warfare, The Call from
Algeria challenges our assumptions and offers a new
perspective.
Lorenz analyzes how neoliberal ideology conceives of the public sector in general and, in particular, how this translates to an economic higher education sector. His first thesis is that neoliberal ...policies in the public sector--known as New Public Management (NPM)--are characterized by a combination of free market rhetoric and intensive managerial control practices that will explain the most important characteristics of NPM organizations. Second, is that NPM policies employ a discourse that parasitizes the everyday meanings of their concepts--efficiency, accountability, transparency, and quality--and simultaneously perverts all their original meanings. Third, is that the economic NPM definition of education ignores the most important aspects of the education process and therefore poses a fundamental threat to education itself. And fourth, is that the NPM discourse can be termed a junk discourse, in the sense ascribed to this concept by Harry G Frankfurt, that can explain the hermetic, self-referential nature of the NPM discourse and the fact that NPM ideology has proved to be completely resistant to all criticism for over thirty years.
El propósito de este artículo es analizar el modo en que se vincula el conservadurismo y el liberalismo económico a partir de la crítica de Roger Scruton a Friedrich A. Hayek. Primero se analizan los ...conceptos de libertad negativa, orden espontáneo y catalaxia en Hayek; luego, se presenta la crítica del filósofo inglés al austriaco; y, por último, se presenta la teoría social-económica de Scruton como un modo de respuesta a las tensiones del liberalismo económico.
This essay grows out of a presentation on a panel called “Lost in Translation” at the Critical Race Studies conference in 2010. It is a reflection on the neoliberal knowledge economy, the traffic in ...antiracist feminist theory, and the way my work has been read (lost or found in translation) and has crossed geopolitical and racial/cultural borders. The essay comments as well on the development of my intellectual project in relation to my location in the US academy and the intellectual and political communities that have made the work possible. The larger frame I seek to examine using responses to my work in three sites—Sweden, Mexico, and Palestine—is the way feminist, postcolonial, and antiracist theory emerges from a particular geopolitical, intellectual space; the way it enacts crossings; and the way it is trafficked, consumed, and understood in different geographies. Given the global and domestic shifts in social movements and transnational feminist scholarly projects over the past three decades, my major concern pertains to the depoliticization of antiracist feminist/women-of-color/transnational feminist intellectual projects in neoliberal, national-security-driven geopolitical landscapes.
In recent years, TESOL scholars have offered both explicit and implicit critiques of language ideologies developed within nationalist frameworks that positioned monolingualism in a standardized ...national language as the desired outcome for all citizens. These scholars have used insights from both the social and the natural sciences to call into question static conceptualizations of language and have reconceptualized language pedagogy in ways that place the fluid and dynamic language practices of bilingual students at the center of instruction. This dynamic turn in TESOL has informed the emergence of plurilingualism as a policy ideal among language education scholars in the European Union. This article argues that this shift in the field of TESOL parallels the characteristics of the ideal neoliberal subject that fits the political and economic context of the current sociohistorical period—in particular, the desire for flexible workers and lifelong learners to perform service-oriented and technological jobs as part of a post-Fordist political economy. These parallels indicate a need for a more critical treatment of the concept of plurilingualism to avoid complicity with the promotion of a covert neoliberal agenda. The article ends with a framework for TESOL that works against the grain of neoliberal governance.
Ion Ionescu de la Brad (Roman, June 24 / July 6, 1818 – Brad, December 16/28, 1891) was an agronomist, the founder of the Romanian agronomic education, an 1848 revolutionary, the most important ...Romanian agricultural economist of the 19th century. Our paper aims at emphasizing the national and original character of his economic thinking, as well as the theoretical and ideological basis of the solutions he suggested for solving the agrarian problem.
Neoliberal cultural frames of individual choice inform mothers accounts of why they refuse state-mandated vaccines for their children. Using interviews with 25 mothers who reject recommended ...vaccines, this article examines the gendered discourse of vaccine refusal. First, I show how mothers, seeing themselves as experts on their children, weigh perceived risks of infection against those of vaccines and dismiss claims that vaccines are necessary. Second, I explicate how mothers see their own intensive mothering practices—particularly around feeding, nutrition, and natural living—as an alternate and superior means of supporting their children's immunity. Third, I show how they attempt to control risk through management of social exposure, as they envision disease risk to lie in "foreign" bodies outside their networks, and, therefore, individually manageable. Finally, I examine how these mothers focus solely on their own children by evaluating—and often rejecting—assertions that their choices undermine community health, while ignoring how their children benefit from the immunity of others. By analyzing the gendered discourse of vaccines, this article identifies how women's insistence on individual maternal choice as evidence of commitment to their children draws on and replicates structural inequality in ways that remain invisible, but affect others.
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