Why Arms Control Is So Rare COE, ANDREW J.; VAYNMAN, JANE
The American political science review,
05/2020, Volume:
114, Issue:
2
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Arming is puzzling for the same reason war is: it produces outcomes that could instead be realized through negotiation, without the costly diversion of resources arming entails. Despite this, arms ...control is exceedingly rare historically, so that arming is ubiquitous and its costs to humanity are large. We develop and test a theory that explains why arming is so common and its control so rare. The main impediment to arms control is the need for monitoring that renders a state’s arming transparent enough to assure its compliance but not so much as to threaten its security. We present evidence that this trade-off has undermined arms control in three diverse contexts: Iraq’s weapons programs after the Gulf War, great power competition in arms in the interwar period, and superpower military rivalry during the Cold War. These arms races account for almost 40% of all global arming in the past two centuries.
The analysis of using the military units and formation during conduct of hostilities on the territory of Donetsk and Luhansk region allows to claim that the one of the main aspect that impact on the ...success in the execution of tasks are existence of workable samples of weapons and military equipment. Thus, the one of the main source of entering of workable samples of weapons and military equipment in military units (military formations) during conduct of hostilities is returning them from stationary and movable damage-control military formations (units) after the completion of their restoration. Accordingly, during the restoration of damaged samples of weapons and military equipment consumes replacement parts, assemblages, aggregates, components equipment etc. that need to be purchased from manufacturers, which has resulted to financial and economic costs.
Therefore, in this work are proposed the methodical approach to evaluation of economic efficiency of repairing samples of weapons and military equipment. This approach includes two ways: financial and economic costs on the repairing of weapons and military equipment in the stationary conditionals and in the moving repair and reconstruction military formations (units). The main costs will be focused on the principal salary of repairmen, the basic materials, replacement parts, overhead of mechanical department, common overhead, new product development costs, and special costs during the repairing of weapons and military equipment in stationary conditions. And the basic spending will be focused on the purchasing of new details, assemblages, aggregates, depreciation cost of equipment, the cost of maintaining the personnel of repair specialists, average cost of operational set during the repairing of weapons and military equipment in the moving repair and reconstruction military formations (units).
Nigeria embraced democracy in 1999 and adopted a tenure-based governance system that ensures transition of public leaderships every 4 years. From 1999 till date, implementation of this tenured-based ...leadership-change system has been shrouded in weaponized disagreements and violent crimes. Elections are the central activities in the transition procedures. Carrying out electioneering processes usually attracts over 99% of the weaponized disagreements and violent crimes, having elections conducted peacefully is equivalent to having peaceful leadership transitions in Nigeria. Following the country's deep history of ethnic division and about 33 years of military dictatorship that drowned Nigerians' fighting spirit for a better country, elections have become gun-wielding battles and Nigerians have lost the drive to fight violence and shape their democracy for the better. This paper studies how Nigeria is fundamentally divided and how these divisions precipitate violent crime patterns in Nigerian democratic transitions. The paper also recommends a true federal system to reduce ethnic-based violence and give true independence to public institutions including the legislative and judicial arms of governments, and ensure a boarder peaceful conduct of Nigerian elections.
•Foundations of violence in Nigerian formation.•Changing yardsticks in Nigerian leadership struggle.•Leadership transitions in the democratic era.•Discernible patterns in electoral violence and crimes.•Possible solution to violent crimes in Nigerian elections.
The article explores the causes and consequences of the 2020–2023 Karabakh War between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan reclaimed large parts of territories within 44 days of the war in 2020, the ...country lost control in the early 1990s and was only hindered from full control by a Russian-brokered ceasefire. Over the subsequent three years, Azerbaijan gradually asserted dominance, reclaiming all lost territories by 2023. The study probes the war’s causes and Azerbaijan’s military success. It focuses on power imbalances and strategic dynamics between the two countries that led to the war. By applying the offence–defence theory, it argues that shifting economic and military strengths rendered war inevitable due to deadlock in negotiations. Azerbaijan’s military investment, modernisation and purchase of advanced technological armament changed the balance between the two states and increased its offensive advantage. The article also examines underlying regional power competition, shaping post-war dynamics in the South Caucasus.
American Arsenal examines the United States' transformation from isolationist state to military superpower by means of sixteen vignettes, each focusing upon an inventor and his contribution to the ...cause. Beginning with Thomas Edison's developments of WWI submarine technology, and ending with Neal Blue, chairman of General Atomics, and his manufacturing of the drone, Patirck Coffey traces the story of each advance, from drawing board to use in the field.
Although a growing body of research suggests that the constabularization of the military for domestic policing is counterproductive, this increasingly prevalent policy has nonetheless enjoyed ...widespread support in the developing world. This study advances our understanding of the consequences of militarization for perceptions of law enforcement: whether visual features shape perceptions of effectiveness, respect for civil liberties, proclivity for corruption and acceptance of militarization in one's own neighborhood. Based on a nationally representative, image-based, conjoint experiment conducted in Mexico, the authors find that military weapons and uniforms enhance perceptions of effectiveness and respect for civil liberties, and that the effect of military uniform becomes greater with increased military presence. The study also finds that gender shapes perceptions of civil liberties and corruption, but detects no effect for skin color. The findings suggest that a central feature of militarization linked to greater violence – military weapons – is paradoxically a key factor explaining favorable attitudes, and that women can play a crucial role in improving perceptions of law enforcement.
Despite fierce politicization in arms‐exporting democracies, we lack systematic research on mass public preferences on arms transfers. We propose that citizens either apply a deontologist (rejecting ...transfers categorically) or consequentialist (trading‐off economic, strategic and normative aspects) calculus of preference formation. Conducting population‐representative survey experiments (N=6617$N=6617$) in Germany and France, two global top‐five major arms exporters, we find that 10–15 per cent of respondents follow deontologist considerations, a preference structure potentially relevant for all foreign policies involving the use of military force. Still, a majority shows differentiated preferences, giving largest weight to normative considerations, with assessments affected by moderating features (e.g., scenarios of just war). Principled rejection of arms trade and a large consequentialist weight for normative factors are more pronounced in Germany compared to France, indicating that public opinion might pose a stronger constraint for government policy in this country. Respondents' preferences match opinion polls on post‐Russian invasion Ukraine armament, indicating high external validity of our experiments.
24 лютого 2022 року pocin почала повне вторгнення в Украшу. Така ситуацЗ докоршно змнила в'дносини мЖ державами, поставила крапку неповернення у в'дносинах колись братнЫ народ'ю, змнила вектори та ...пр'юритети подальшого розвитку Укроти, створила новi виклики в усх сферах и життя. Крм того, вiйна в центpi Ёвропи вплинула на свтову економку в цлому та економку багатьох окремих кран, а також на мiгpацiйнi та сощально-полтичш процеси. Усе це вдбилося на 3MİHİ проритетю дослджень у ceímí та, зокрема, в УкраМ. Мета дослдження - сформулювати узагальнеш пропозицп щодо шляхт протиди втськовт агресП рост У статт'1 аналзуються: World Military Strength Ranking 2022, втрати збройних сил росПстаном на 15.06.2022; змİни чисельностİ особового складу, озброення İ вшськово'1 техн'ши ЗС Украши у 1991-2021 рр. Також проведено порвняльну кльксну оцшку збройних сил Украши та росП у 2021 рощ, розглянуто недол'ши та прорахунки у становленш та розвитку незалежноi Украши, як дозволили розгорнути на ii територи повномасштабну вшну. Пороняно вйськовий потенцал укрансько'/ та росшсьт армш у 1991 та 2021 роках, розглянуто новİзразки озброення, розроблеш в УкраЫ. Наведено результати Delphi-аналЬу кластеры ОПК Украши, необхдних для асиметричного стримування зовншньо'iагреси на часовому горизонт': до 2030 року. Визначено шляхи забезпечення Збройних Сил Украни основними видами озброення та таково! техн'жи. Проведенİ дослдження дозволили визначити, що рост, будучи державою з геополтичними амбщтми, завжди буде становити загрозу для Украши, тому нацональна безпека нашоi держави повинна будуватися з урахуванням таково! та економİчноi потужност': краши-агресора. Отже, Украна маеувшти принайми: в один вİйськово-економİчний союз з İншими кранами Ёвропи та свту. Крм того, Украна повинна мати потужний багатогалузевий оборонно-промисловий комплекс, який вироблятиме власне конкурентоспроможне озброення та вйськову техн'шуяк само^йно, так İ сильно з İншими кранами Ёвропи та свту або залцензями 'ноземних виробнитв. Збройн Сили Украши повинн мати таку структуру вид'ю İ родв вшськ, яка б дозволяла протистояти загрозам з боку збройних сил росП або асиметричним видам озброення та вİйськовоi технки, що дозволило б вести вшну 2-го, 3-го та 6-го поколнь.
Od roku 2013 probíhají debaty o smrtících autonomních zbraňových systémech (LAWS) a přístupu k nim z hlediska mezinárodní legislativy v rámci Úmluvy o některých konvenčních zbraních (CCW) a později ...od roku 2017 na platformě Skupiny vládních expertů při CCW. V návaznosti na probíhající debaty a důležitost tématu si autorka v článku klade za cíl shrnout výsledky dosažené v rámci jednání pod CCW, zejména hlavní kroky, úspěšně zvládnuté výzvy a posuny v postojích států od roku 2013, jakož i otevřené otázky při regulaci LAWS v rámci této mezinárodní úmluvy. Část článku je věnována identifikaci existujících podobných rysů zemí sdílejících společný postoj к LAWS na konferencích CCW, jakož i výzvám a možným důsledkům postavení Číny, která podporuje zákaz nasazení LAWS, nikoli však jejich výzkumu a výroby.
In mid 1988, FAPLA launched a major offensive to destabilize UNITA in the border region between Angola and Namibia, supported by Russian advisors and military equipment. When the operation Saudando ...Outubro was launched, FAPLA were not able to achieve success, leading to its collapse and a counter offensive by UNITA supported by the SADF. Since 1975, Cuba always kept military advisors in the country and intervened in 1988 in defense of the Cuito Cuanavale region, by the time that the offensive to expel SADF and UNITA from Southern Angola started. In this campaign, the Cuban and Angolan aviation’s action was decisive for South Africa’s defeat. The present article intends to analyze how the process of the conquest of Cuban and Angolan air supremacy against the South African air force took place. It is understood that the DAAFAR, by denying SAAF’s action, deprived the latter of the historic air superiority enjoyed for years, and that the action of Cuban air power combined with Angola was a decisive condition for the success of the ground offensive by Angolan and Cuban armies on the border with Namibia.
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