O artigo reconstitui esquematicamente o processo que levou à crise política que resultou no impeachment de Fernando Collor de Mello, em 1992. Argumenta em favor de uma perspectiva analítica que ...focaliza o processo mesmo de crise, ao invés de tentar explicar os seus resultados por fatores que com eles tiveram correlação, tal como vem fazendo a literatura recente sobre interrupções de mandatos presidenciais na América Latina./The article schematically reconstructs the process that led to the political crisis resulting in the impeachment of Fernando Collor de Mello in 1992. The author argues in favor of an analytical perspective that focuses on the very process of crisis, rather than trying to explain their results by factors which they had correlation, as is making the recent literature on interruption of presidential terms in Latin America.
Brazil is going through an unprecedented economic and political crisis that risks overwhelming the country’s young democracy. The high hopes with which political democracy was achieved against an ...almost universally detested dictatorship endured the untimely death of President-elect Tancredo Neves, in 1985. Democracy was consolidated despite the petty manoeuvring and robbery of public assets under President José Sarney (1985–1990). Democracy provided an exit route from the thieving megalomania of gangster-President Fernando Collor, in 1992. Democracy held the country together during the tenure of Vice-President Itamar Franco (1992–1994), a shallow man who never missed an opportunity to disappoint. Democracy resisted the arrogance and plunder of the national patrimony orchestrated by the Marxist sociologist-turned-neoliberal-guru, Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1994–2002). The democratic consensus seemed to flourish under the four consecutive presidencies of the Brazilian Workers’ Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT), first with Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003–2006, 2007–2010), then with his hand-picked successor, Dilma Rousseff (2011–2014, 2015–2016). But this happened only too briefly in what turned out to be democracy’s swansong.
Politics in Legal Disguise Friedmann, Daniel
Israel law review,
11/2023, Volume:
56, Issue:
3
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Open access
The article discusses the current legal-political crisis in Israel against the backdrop of the judicial and political powers that have led to the present situation. The disastrous Yom Kippur War of ...1973 weakened the government and public confidence in the political institutions. The weaknesses of the government enabled the Supreme Court to carry out a judicial revolution, which completely changed the country's legal system. The legal revolution entered a new stage when the Supreme Court held that the Basic Laws form part of Israel's constitution. This judicially created constitution opened the way for judicial review of legislation. Its weakness stems from the fact that Basic Laws are legislated in much the same way as ordinary legislation. As a result, the Knesset can easily override any ruling of the Court that voids a statute, by amending the relevant Basic Law. The Court is now struggling to find a means of gaining some control over the legislation of Basic Laws. At the same time, the present government declared its intention to carry out legal reforms that are in effect a counter-revolution to the judicial revolution. The article examines how the fluctuation in the political support of the Court affects its decisions.
The founding congress of the Frente Nacionalista, in Curitiba, Paraná, which would be held in December 2015, stood for the organization of neo-fascist movements as an alternative to the right and ...left wings amid the current political crisis in Brazil. The event would feature eight Hate Rock bands, a music genre that spreads neo-fascist ideas and proposes a historical reconstruction. Therefore, music is used to recruit new members and express the adaptation of fascist speeches in order to address contemporary issues. This both human and collective effort is present in the music and helps to explain how neo-fascisms behave politically in Brazil. This paper aims at understanding these songs and the development of these neo-fascist processes.
Political security is often viewed as a necessary precondition for rulers to develop property-protecting legal institutions. I argue that because these institutions can build political support and ...generate revenue, domestically insecure rulers may also invest in them. I test this argument using newly collected 12th-century data on the operation of the nascent English common law system. Leveraging the 1192 shipwreck and subsequent kidnap of Richard I as an exogenous shock to domestic political security, I find that the catastrophe appears to have prompted the English Royal Court's short-term deployment to raise political support in areas vulnerable to rebellion. I present suggestive evidence that this effect in vulnerable areas persisted into the medium-term, and appears to have expanded to the rest of the country. Drawing on this and other evidence of changes in Royal Court funding, activity, and organization between 1184 and 1203, I argue that the shock may have helped to bring about a permanent increase in the Court's capacity and accessibility. These findings are relevant to studies of the common law and the political economy of legal institutions generally.
The present analysis illuminates the impact of tradition in the constitution of North Korean revolutionary womanhood based on the regime's idealizing narratives of Joseonot (traditional Korean ...dress). After the Korean War, the cultivation of socialist personalities for the working Joseon nyeoseong (North Korean women) became increasingly wedded to traditional models of sacrifice, both in and outside the home. To avoid the reductionism of explanations centered on patriarchy or the gendered nature of the North Korean state, this study argues that the pronounced weight of tradition in constructing revolutionary womanhood after the Korean War should be attributed to the pressing urgency of anti-revisionism during the political crisis of legitimacy in the mid-1950s. Faced with mounting dissent in the wake of de-Stalinization, Kim Il-sung claimed exclusive political legitimacy and superior nationalism based on his self-proclaimed mandate to dictate Juche (selfreliance). Accordingly, the aesthetical and ideological attention given to women's Joseonot represents a facet of socialist indoctrination unique to 1955–1960, rather than a gendered dress code rooted in patriarchy. The formulation of Joseonot as the socialist Korean women's dress epitomized the interplay between revolutionary and national essence central to Pyongyang's postcolonial socialist modernity and claim to nation-wide leadership. Throughout the process of regime consolidation, the question of how socialist Joseon nyeoseong is became inseparable from how genuinely Korean she is.
In November 2009, the European Council elected Herman Van Rompuy its first standing President, under the terms of the newly-implemented Lisbon Treaty. Using the analytical framework developed by ...Ingeborg Tömmel to assess the performance of three Commission presidents, this contribution examines Van Rompuy's leadership in the European Council during two terms in office (2009-2014). First incumbents are generally influential in shaping the positions they occupy. Van Rompuy's personal qualities helped him meet the demands of an inherently difficult job in an extremely challenging situational context. Yet, institutionally, the presidency of the European Council is a weak office. It brings prominence and close proximity to power, but not the potential of power itself. Nevertheless, Van Rompuy was an effective President because he understood the formal and informal rules of the game, making a modest contribution to leadership in the European Council during a severe financial and political crisis.
Timor-Leste in 2018 FEIJÓ, RUI GRAÇA
Asian survey,
01/2019, Volume:
59, Issue:
1
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Timor-Leste entered 2018 with a political crisis that kept a minority government without the confidence of parliament. President Lú-Olo tried to resolve the situation by calling early elections, but ...the incumbency effect did not materialize, and the opposition won the polls. Timor-Leste celebrated an important treaty with Australia on their maritime borders in the Timor Sea.
I model an election between a populist candidate with little government experience and high charisma and a mainstream candidate with much government experience and low charisma. Taking a step back in ...time, I also model the career choices of this populist candidate: he must consider how much governing experience to acquire before running for high office, and then he must decide how extremist his campaign platform should be. The model finds two major trade-offs that are unfortunate for the median voter: candidates who are attractive in terms of their high charisma will be unattractive in terms of their low experience and high extremism. The model also finds that popular discontent, coming from an economic or political crisis, makes an inexperienced outsider more likely to win an election with an extremist agenda; this helps explain the recent ‘rise of populism’ identified by several authors around the world. This theory is also able to explain numerous empirical findings: I connect the model to the literature from different academic approaches (behavioral, comparative, and institutional) and different geographical regions (the United States, Latin America, and Europe). Special reference is made to four prominent outsiders: Donald Trump, Hugo Chávez, Alberto Fujimori, and Jean-Marie Le Pen.
PDF
