Unionism, Orangeism and War Urquhart, Diane
Women's history review,
05/2018, Volume:
27, Issue:
3
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
This article explores the impact of the First World War on female unionism and orangeism. The period of political crisis in Ireland that preceded the war mobilised unprecedented numbers of women into ...political and quasi-political associations. Determined that Ireland would remain under the Act of Union, members of the Ulster Women's Unionist Council and Association of Loyal Orangewomen embraced rather than challenged gender difference. The unionist campaign of resistance to home rule was suspended on the outbreak of the First World War, but the uncertainty of the post-war situation, the Easter Rising of 1916, the partition of Ireland, and ill-fated Irish Convention and partial female enfranchisement, ensured that the unionist truce was often a façade. The transformative role of the First World War is often highlighted, but this examination suggests the gender constraints experienced in the early twentieth century survived the conflict and continued to define women's role in unionism and orangeism for decades.
Three predictive problems bedevil our ability to foresee political crises and state breakdown: (1) how to tell when a previously stable state falls into a situation of hidden but dangerous ...instability; (2) how to tell, once a certain level of instability has appeared in the form of protests, riots, or regional rebellions, whether chaos will grow and accelerate into revolution or civil war, or if the protests are likely to be contained and dampen out; and (3) how to tell which individuals and groups are likely to be the main source of mobilization for radical movements, and whether opposition networks will link up, grow and spread, or be isolated and contained. Prior work has focused on each of these problems separately. However, all three issues are crucial to understanding and foreseeing conflict dynamics. These issues operate on different time-scales and require separate models. In this article we discuss how better models of each process could be developed and, crucially, integrated with data for a more effective prediction system. A major theoretical challenge for us is to link these different approaches in order to increase their predictive power. A major empirical challenge is to identify data (direct or proxy) that can be used to parameterize, validate, and test our models.
Chilean Social Work has its origins and has developed facing crises. The first chool founded in 1925-worked directly with infectious diseases such as tuberculosis and syphilis, exposing their causes: ...overcrowding, poor housing conditions, poverty and exploitation of working classes. The Pinochet's dictatorship and related political crises during the last decades have also impacted the development of social work . Recently, gross inequalities and further discontent about the neoliberal Chilean model broke out last year when mass civil protests took over the country. A new crisis emerged with the arrival of COVID 19 exposing poverty, inequality, oppression, and dispossession accumulated during the decades, just as in the inception of the profession. In this paper, we discuss two initiatives promoted by the Department of Social Work at the University of Chile which propose to address professional training in the context of political and sanitary crises. The first initiative 'Transdisciplinary Nucleus of Social Work' integrates research and intervention seeking to impact public discussions, creating integrated spaces of professional and academic training of undergraduate and graduate social work students. The second initiative 'Social Work Researchers Network-Online Training' provides students and social workers with free access to social work courses donated by the network's members.
This paper analyzes the gilets jaunes revolt in France in the current political conjuncture. It argues that the yellow vest phenomenon is both symptom and cause of the ongoing political crisis in ...France and Europe. To develop this argument, the paper situates the yellow vests within the balance of political forces and unpacks their novel spatial dynamic of mobilization, including the implication of this dynamic for political ecology and the meaning of the right to the city.
This article analyses the image of the German army by the Russian press in 1914 and 1915. The representation of the enemy in newspapers is considered in the context of military censorship, the ...information policy of the military command, the activities of the Petrograd Telegraph Agency, and the editorial board policies. The situation at the front and the political orientation of the newspapers also influenced the image of the enemy. For the entire period mentioned, the press, government and command were unable to agree on the general characteristics of the "Germans" as the enemy. This led to the assessment of the German army being characterised by extremes: from derogatory characteristics at the beginning of the war to exaggerated praise in the summer of 1915. Dramatic changes in the assessment of the enemy affected public sentiment and contributed to the deepening political crisis in prerevolutionary Russia.
Before the Ukrainian conflict the EU-Russian relationships had been developing in the format of Strategic Partnership, and Russia had been considered as one of the 'special ten’ to whom a special ...status of 'strategic partner' was awarded. The 'special ten' are unequal in size, political regimens, resource endowments, economic development, and power status. The main problem of this new concept of European Union Foreign Policy is that there is neither an official definition of strategic partnership nor any common criteria for being chosen as a strategic partner. It is worth mentioning that Russia at the same time has not only developed the integration with the European Union but has also promoted the integration in the post-Soviet area and as a result the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) has been created. Thus, speaking about the UE-Russian relations we should take into account the new Actor on the international arena, the EEU. The present paper aims at elaborating Strategic Partner's Attractiveness Index (SPAI) for the EU, using the categorical principal components analysis (CATPCA). This analysis allows us to rank its declared strategic partners and to find out which position Russia and other members of the EEU hold in a rank. The proposal of the SPA! not only proves that in spite of political crises in EU-Russian relationships Russia continues being its core partner and the EEU is strategically important for the Eli, but on the basis of this Index it is also supposed to offer methodology for choosing EU’s strategic partners with a view to make its choice more science-based
The economic and political crisis Serbia had to face during the nineties affected the competitive advantages its agricultural sector had in comparison with the other countries of the region. Despite ...a number of differences related to the specific economic, political and social settings and developments, the reform path Serbia started in 2000 showed a number of similarities, but also some differences in comparison with most of the Central and Eastern European Countries. In this paper the main features of structural changes in the Serbian agricultural sector are analyzed, also in comparison with other countries in the region, the basic factors that contributed to these changes are identified and explained, and the key consequences and implications of this process are examined.
This article analyses the disputes over images related to indigeneity and plurinationalism in the post-electoral crisis in Bolivia, focusing mainly on the realm of social media. It pays particular ...attention to how images such as memes, photographs, and videos produced and circulated by the movement for "democracy" opposed to Evo Morales and by sectors of the Right, project ideals of national unity based on racialised imaginaries that tend to obliterate references to plurinationalism. I also analyse the dichotomous ways in which multitudes and episodes of violence were represented by the two main sides in the conflict, such as the references to "mobs" and "hordes" versus "civic movements" and "resistance" respectively. I conclude by considering examples of promotional materials that the current interim government of President Jeanine Añez has developed since its inauguration, in order to reflect on the ways in which these display certain images of the "permitted Indian" for the national project that the social sector represented by her government is beginning to outline.
The strategic guidelines directing Algerian foreign policy are still dominated by normative principles inherited from the early years of the national independence war, which have underpinned the ...construction of the regime's legitimacy. This doctrinal position has been shaken up by new security threats coming from neighbouring countries. This article analyses the evolution of Algerian foreign policy since 2011, identifying the main constraints and obstacles that limit its ability to adapt to the new sub-regional context marked by the disintegration of the neighbouring states of Mali and Libya. Libya is in the midst of a massive security vacuum brought on by the absence of a central authority and a collapsing defence system. In Mali, in spite of the 2015 peace agreement designed to end the military and political crisis, the north is still facing high levels of violence and insecurity. This deteriorating regional security situation entails new challenges and dilemmas that are pushing Algeria to reconsider the normative foundations that have guided its foreign policy since independence, namely the principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of another state, respect for state sovereignty and support for anticolonial and revolutionary movements. Furthermore, these security concerns are also closely connected with Algeria's domestic stability in terms of both state and regime security. The article addresses the following questions: How do these intertwined internal and external factors affect Algerian foreign policy? What are the main constraints that impede the emergence of a new strategic orientation to better respond to the challenges coming from Libya and Mali?
Since the establishment of devolution in 1999, Northern Ireland's power‐sharing governments have been fragile and prone to crisis. However, following a decade of relative stability and cooperation ...between Nationalists and Unionists at Stormont, hopes were high that the devolved arrangements had finally become embedded and more resistant to collapse. This optimism was dashed when Sinn Féin brought down the devolved institutions in January 2017. A snap election once again returned the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Féin as the largest parties and their inability to form a government resulted in yet another political stalemate. This article begins by outlining the pattern of political crises in Northern Ireland and assesses both the trigger factors and the responses. It then goes beyond the most obvious explanation for this continuing instability—that of the deep sectarian based divisions—and points to a number of other reasons for the volatility. These include issues such as the incomplete implementation of previous agreements, the impact of broader UK policies and the shadow of Direct Rule.
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