The first appearance of parties on the American political scene has been a subject of debate in both history and political science; most scholars have argued that parties did not develop until the ...nineteenth century. John F. Hoadley challenges that conclusion, arguing convincingly that substantial parties emerged within the first decade after creation of the new government. Examining patterns of roll-call voting in the early congresses, he finds that discernible coalitions existed between 1789 and 1803. These coalitions began to assume the form of parties as early as the Second Congress, and the evidence for their functioning as parties becomes overwhelming by the time of the Jay Treaty debate in 1796. The distinctive contribution of this study lies in its quantitative analysis of congressional voting. From this analysis emerges a picture, derived from multidimensional scaling, of the rise of voting coalitions. Thus one can clearly see evidence of party formation in Congress as well as the impact of issues and external alliances on these voting coalitions. Origins of American Political Parties makes a valuable contribution to political science and to history. Political scientists will find that insights into the emergence of the first parties in the United States shed light on the shifts in party alignments in later years and will help them to understand the forces that shaped a nation's first use of this key political institution. Historians will find here new evidence on the development of a fundamental element in America's early political history.
Partisan media—typically characterized by incivility—has become a defining element of the American political communication environment. While scholars have explored the consequences of partisan media ...for political attitudes and behaviors, little work has looked at how variations in incivility moderate partisan media’s effects. Using a population-based survey experiment, we show that incivility affectively depolarizes partisans when it comes from an in-party source (e.g., MSNBC for Democrats, Fox News for Republicans). Incivility on out-party sources affectively polarizes the audience, however, and we show that the respondent’s degree of conflict aversion conditions these effects. Our results raise intriguing normative questions about the trade-offs between polarization and incivility and highlight how scholars must account for both levels of incivility and partisan slant when studying the effects of partisan media.
A.Kadir Yildirim and other scholars have used the term "Muslim Democrat" to describe moderate Islamist political parties, suggesting a parallel with Christian Democratic parties in Europe. These ...parties (MDPs) are marked by their adherence to a secular political regime, normative commitment to the rules of a democratic political system, and the democratic political representation of a religious identity. In this book, Yildirim draws on extensive field research in Turkey, Egypt, and Morocco to examine this phenomenon and assess the interaction of economic and political factors in the development of MDPs. Distinguishing between "competitive economic liberalization" and "crony liberalization," he argues that MDPs are more likely to emerge and succeed in the context of the former. He summarizes that the broader implication is that the economic liberalization models adopted by governments in the region in the wake of the Arab Spring have significant implications for the future direction of party systems and democratic reform.
Contextualization: The issue of intra-party democracy begins to receive attention from Michels' studies on tendencies towards oligarchization in large associations. As it is configured as an ...instrument of popular participation, the subject has attracted greater attention in the current scenario of crisis of democratic institutions. Objectives: The objective is to analyze the stage of intra-party democracy in Brazil based on the construction of a state of the art of studies that examine the distribution of internal power in Brazilian political parties. Methodology: The construction of the state of the art was divided into four stages, the first of which was the investigation and initial selection of the material based on the stipulated referent. In the second stage, using the Cartesian Method, the works were analyzed and organized into three thematic axes, according to the objective and problem of each research. The underlying theme, present in all axes, is the power of affiliates and their influence on the internal decision-making process. The third stage comprised the realization of temporal cuts, due to the need to provide a current overview, and materials, as the works were re-analyzed based on the referent and the proposed objective, adapting the object of analysis using the Inductive method. In the fourth and last stage, there was the reanalysis of the collected information, the compilation of data and the presentation of the results, presented below with an inductive logic. Results: As a result, more than an absence of intra-party democracy, it is possible to infer that the associations have institutionalized oligarchic practices that allow the stability of leadership in command posts. It is possible to point out at least six ways that facilitate the leadership's domain over the decisions and structure of the association, they are: (1) discretionary distribution of party resources; (2) party conventions emptied of power; (3) arbitrary dissolution of permanent bodies; (4) indirect elections at multiple levels; (5) slate dispute model; (6) the existence of parallel decision-making bodies. Keywords: Intraparty democracy; Political party; Affiliated; Participation; oligarchy. Contextualizacao : O tema da democracia intrapartidaria comeca a receber atencao a partir dos estudos de Michels sobre as tendencias a oligarquizacao em grandes associacoes. Por se configurar como um instrumento de participacao popular, o assunto tem despertado maior atencao frente ao atual cenario de crise das instituicoes democraticas. Objetivo: Analisar o estagio da democracia intrapartidaria nos partidos politicos brasileiros a partir da visao conjunta de estudos que examinam a distribuicao do poder interno. Metodologia: A pesquisa se dividiu em quatro etapas, sendo a primeira delas a investigacao e selecao inicial do material com base no referente estipulado. Na segunda etapa, valendo-se do Metodo Cartesiano, os trabalhos foram analisados e organizados em tres eixos tematicos, conforme o objetivo e a problematica de cada pesquisa. A terceira etapa compreendeu a realizacao de cortes temporais, em virtude da necessidade de fornecer um panorama atual, e materiais, na medida em que os trabalhos foram reanalisados com base no referente e no objetivo proposto, adequando o objeto de analise a partir do metodo Indutivo. Na quarta etapa operouse a reanalise das informacoes coletadas, a compilacao dos dados e a exposicao dos resultados, com base logica indutiva. Resultados: Mais do que uma ausencia de democracia intrapartidaria, e possivel inferir que as agremiacoes institucionalizaram praticas oligarquicas que permitem a estabilidade das liderancas nos postos de comando. E possivel apontar ao menos seis meios facilitadores do dominio das liderancas sobre as decisoes e a estrutura da agremiacao: sao eles: (1) distribuicao discricionaria dos recursos partidarios; (2) convencoes partidarias esvaziadas de poder; (3) dissolucao arbitraria de orgaos permanentes; (4) eleicoes indiretas em multiplos niveis; (5) modelo de disputa em chapas; (6) a existencia de orgaos decisorios paralelos. Palavras-chave: Democracia intrapartidaria; Partido politico; Filiado; Participacao; Oligarquia. Contextualizacion del tema: El tema de la democracia intrapartidista comienza a recibir atencion a partir de los estudios de Michels sobre las tendencias a la oligarquia en las grandes asociaciones. Por configurarse como un instrumento de participacion popular, el tema ha atraido mayor atencion en el actual escenario de crisis de las instituciones democraticas. Objetivos: Analizar el escenario de la democracia intrapartidista en Brasil a partir de la percepcion conjunta de los estudios que examinan la distribucion del poder interno en los partidos politicos brasilenos. Metodologia: La investigacion se dividio en cuatro etapas. la primera fue la investigacion y seleccion inicial del material. En la segunda etapa, utilizando el Metodo Cartesiano, los trabajos fueron analizados y organizados en tres ejes tematicos, segun el objetivo y problema de cada investigacion. La tercera etapa consistio en realizar cortes temporales, por la necesidad de ofrecer un panorama actual, y materiales, ya que se reanalizaron los trabajos a partir del referente y el objetivo propuesto, adaptando el objeto de analisis desde el metodo Inductivo. En la cuarta etapa se realizo la reanalisis de la informacion colectada, la compilacion de los datos y la presentacion de los resultados, con base en la logica inductiva. Resultados: Mas que una ausencia de democracia intrapartidista, es posible inferir que los partidos han institucionalizado practicas oligarquicas que permiten la estabilidad de los lideres en los puestos de mando. Es posible senalar al menos seis medios que facilitan el dominio de los dirigentes sobre las decisiones y estructura de la asociacion: son: (1) distribucion discrecional de los recursos del partido; (2) convenciones sin poder de hecho; (3) disolucion arbitraria de organos permanentes; (4) elecciones indirectas en multiples niveles; (5) modelo de disputa en grupos; (6) la existencia de organos decisorios paralelos. Palabras clave: Democracia intrapartidista; Partido politico; Afiliado; Participacion; Oligarquia.
Housing policies have become increasingly regionalised but studies at sub-state levels are scarce and most research still focuses on the nation-state as the unit of analysis. This paper aims to ...address this gap by examining the development of regional housing policies in Spain. From an initial analysis of regional housing laws, three sub-state housing policy models were identified. Then, six case studies were examined to determine influencing factors and the relevance of regional political party positioning along centre-periphery and left-right cleavages. This research adds new information to the literature on the regionalisation of housing policies and provides insight about the role of subnational governments in generating alternatives to neoliberal housing policies.
Studies have pointed to politics as an important force driving people away from religion—the argument is that the dogmatic politics of the Christian Right have alienated liberals and moderates, ...effectively threatening organized religion in America. We argue that existing explanations are incomplete; a proper reconsideration necessitates distinguishing processes of affiliation (with specific congregations) from identification (with religious traditions). Using three data sets, we find evidence that qualifies and complements existing narratives of religious exit. Evaluations of congregational political fit drive retention decisions. At the same time, opposition to the Christian Right only bears on retention decisions when it is salient in a congregational context, affecting primarily evangelicals and Republicans. These results help us understand the dynamics of the oft-observed relationship between the Christian Right and deidentification and urge us to adopt a broader, more pluralistic view of the politicization of American religion.
The current debate over the extent of polarization in the American mass public focuses on the extent to which partisans' policy preferences have moved. Whereas "maximalists" claim that partisans' ...views on policies have become more extreme over time (Abramowitz 2010), "minimalists" (Fiorina and Abrams 2009) contend that the majority of Americans remain centrist, and that what little centrifugal movement has occurred reflects sorting, i.e., the increased association between partisanship and ideology. We argue in favor of an alternative definition of polarization, based on the classic concept of social distance (Bogardus 1947). Using data from a variety of sources, we demonstrate that both Republicans and Democrats increasingly dislike, even loathe, their opponents. We also find that partisan affect is inconsistently (and perhaps artifactually) founded in policy attitudes. The more plausible account lies in the nature of political campaigns; exposure to messages attacking the out-group reinforces partisans' biased views of their opponents.
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