In this volume, Thomas Olander offers a historical analysis of the inflectional endings of Proto-Slavic, comparing them with the corresponding endings in related languages and reconstructing the ...Proto-Indo-European point of departure.
U ovom se radu raspravlja o podrijetlu praslavenskog ornitonima *čižь / *čižьkъ / *čižikъ m. ‘čižak, Spinus spinus L.’. Čižak je dobro poznata i lako prepoznatljiva ptica pjevica čiji karakterističan ...glas zvuči poput ponavljajućega cvrkuta čí-čí ʧi:-ʧi:. Onomatopejsko objašnjenje, koje je više puta prihvaćeno u literaturi o ovoj temi, moglo se pojaviti u praslovenskom jeziku tek nakon prve palatalizacije guturalnih suglasnika, datirane u sredinu prvoga tisućljeća pr. Kr. Dakle, s gledišta baltoslavenske fonologije, praslavenski je izraz za ‘čižak’ inovativan. Ne možemo odlučiti jesu li sami preci Slavena stvorili ornitonim *čižь / *čižьkъ / *čižikъ na onomatopejskoj osnovi u kasnoj fazi razvoja praslaveskog jezika ili su ga posudili iz stranoga izvora. Zvučni fonem *-ž-, koji narušava izvorno „onomatopejsko” podrijetlo, čini se da podupire hipotezu o posuđivanju iz stranoga jezika. U ovom se članku sugerira da bi izvor navodne posuđenice mogao biti protouralski izraz *čičä(-kä) ~ *činčä(-kä) koji označava ‘malu pticu pjevicu’ (savršeno sačuvan u saamiju, permu, ugarskom i samojedskim jezicima), koji je vjerojatno funkcionirao već u vrijeme raspada uralske zajednice (tj. u četvrtom tisućljeću pr. Kr.), pa je stoga nekoliko tisućljeća stariji od praslavenskog izraza za ‘čižak’. Autor pretpostavlja da su (po svoj prilici) Praslaveni tu uralsku posuđenicu preuzeli preko neutvrđenoga ugrofinskog supstrata, koji je ostavio različite tragove u praslavenskom leksiku.
The paper deals with the issues (both inflectional and word-formational) of Proto-Slavic *ū-stems in the Polabian corpus. The aim of the paper is to identify all Polabian words continuing the ...*ū-declension class and accompany them with comprehensive linguistic and, when necessary, philological comments. As it turns out, some words, regarded as Polabian innovations, are in fact archaisms, as evidenced by comparative data. A new explanation of heteroclitic stems (Nsg
vs. NApl
) is proposed involving a well-known Polabian sound change (*Kvo >
), which is somewhat elaborated.
The article is devoted to the semantics of the Proto-Slavic word *kъrkъ, whose descendants have a wide range of meanings from ‘throat’ to ‘back’. The analysis presented shows that the Proto-Slavic ...word can be most probably reconstructed to mean ‘vertebra prominens / cervical vertebrae’. With this taken into account, the author looks at the previously proposed etymologies and puts forward a new one.
Although the Proto-Slavic word for lungs can be reliably reconstructed as *pluťa (n. pl.) or *pľuťa (n. pl.), it remains unclear how these two forms are related to each other. Scholars have expressed ...contradictory views as to which of the two forms should be considered primary. In a number of Slavic languages, the descendants of *pľuťa are more widespread, as they can be found in Old Church Slavonic, Serbo-Croatian, Slovenian, Czech, Slovak, Polish, Lusatian, and Old Russian, whereas the continuants of *pluťa prevail (without being exclusive) in two unconnected areas: Polish-Sorbian-Polabian and Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian. It seems most likely that the form *pľuťa is older and *pluťa is an innovation. The following attempts have been made to explain the relation between the two forms: a) assimilation *pluťa > *pľuťa; b) dissimilation *pljutja > *plutja or *pľuťa > *pluťa; c) *pľuťa > *pluťa under the influence of the infinitive *pluti ‘to fl oat’; d) *pľuťa > *pluťa as a result of the ‘secondary hardening of ľ; e) doubleting *pľuťa / *pluťa because of the twofold development of Proto-Slavic *eu̯ > *u/*ju; f) doubleting *pľuťa / *pluťa as a reflection of two ablaut grades within one athematic paradigm; g) doubleting as a result of vowel assimilation *pleu̯ti̯ā > *plau̯ti̯ā. In our view, the distant dissimilation of the palatals ľ–ť > l–ť or the influence of the underlying verb *pluti ‘float’ should be considered the most probable scenarios of how the variant *pluťa appeared. In terms of word formation, it is likely that feminine *pleu̯tis > *pľutь was the initial form. Having shifted from *-i-declination to *-jā, it came to be perceived as the plural of the neutral noun.
The paper is devoted to a critical analysis of the traditional etymology of the Proto-Slavic word with the meaning ‘wound’ (OCS ‘рана’ πληγή, μάστιξ; Bulgarian ‘ра́на’; Serbocroatian ‘ра̏на’, Russian ...‘рана’ etc.). Researchers usually compare it to OInd. vraṇá- ‘wound, ulcer’ and Alb. varrë ‘wound’. It is demonstrated that this etymology is unacceptable from a formal point of view. Therefore, it is proposed to return to the idea of P. Persson who connected the Proto-Slavic ‘wound’ to the Proto-Indo-European root *h2erH- ‘to destroy’ and the following cognates in other branches of PIE: Hett. ḫarrai ‘grinds’; Toch. AB ār, pret. B āra ‘to stop, to cease’ and Proto-Slavic *oriti ‘to destroy, to ruin’. In this case the Proto-Slavic reconstruction is *őrna.
The Proto-Slavic etyma *dъska, *misa, and *bļudo (*bļudъ), which are semantically related, are generally regarded as borrowings, but there is no consensus on the exact origins of these nouns. ...Following surveys of the Old Church Slavic and Gothic evidence as well as of the distribution of the etyma in Slavic, the article discusses the merits and drawbacks of the various existing views. It is argued that *dъska, *misa are best regarded as borrowings from Vulgar Latin or Early Romance, while *bļudo (*bļudъ) must have been borrowed from Germanic, but not from Gothic or West Germanic.
This book is a comprehensive study of the Germanic loanwords in Proto-Slavic. It includes an investigation of all Germanic words that were borrowed into Proto-Slavic until its disintegration in the ...early ninth century. Research into the phonology, morphology and semantics of the loanwords serves as the basis of an investigation into the Germanic donor languages of the individual loanwords. The loanwords can be shown to be mainly of Gothic, High German and Low German origin. One of the aims of the present study is to clarify the accentuation of Germanic loanwords in Proto-Slavic and to explain how they were adapted to the Proto-Slavic accentual system. This volume is of special interest to scholars and students of Slavic and Germanic historical linguistics, contact linguistics and Slavic accentology.
Rev.: Šarapatková Ž., Slova a věci. Etymologické etudy, Prameny české etymologie 1, Bohumil Vykypěl, Vít Boček, red., Praha: NLN, 2022. The Etymological group of Brno begins the publication of a new ...series: “Prameny české etymologie” “Sources of Czech etymology”. The series opens with a collection of articles by Ž. Šarapatková, one of the authors of the recently completed Old Church Slavonic etymological dictionary “Etymologický slovník jazyka staroslověnského”. The collection comprises 20 articles, B. Vykypěl’s preface, a bibliography of the author’s works, a bibliography about the author, and indeces. Almost all articles focus on etymological analyses of the OCS lexicon with special attention to semantic aspects, which strengthens the argumentation in support of structural reconstructions. Based on particular etymologies, the following methodical problems of etymology are discussed: the importance and specifics of including rare words and dialect lexicon, and the role of folk etymology in the history of the lexicon and scholarly etymology.
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