Civil wars in former Yugoslavia have resulted in divided societies especially in those cultures where ethnic divisions exist. Problems become intergenerational when there are not sufficient ...resolutions leading to viable reconciliation. There often exists a collective malaise in these situations that manifests itself as primary and secondary post-traumatic disorders (PTSD). Secondary PTSD often afflicts the children and adolescent off springs of their parents or grandparents impacted by the conflict per se. Given that, group profiles of students from Republika Srpska (2010. versus 2020.) measured with the Problem-Oriented Screening Instrument for Teenagers, POSIT (Rahdert 1991) which covers 10 functional adolescent problem areas including substance use, mental health, family relations, and aggressive behavior/delinquency. Ten years later, it is important to maintain focus on the unmet psychological and social/cultural needs of traumatized children and youth, second-generation war victims because neglecting these problems could be costly for society in terms of later disorganization of this population, as it matures.
The main aim of this paper is to contribute to the literature on ontological security by empirically investigating how the European Union (EU), which is perceived as one of the most important actors ...that provides means and/ or grounds for overcoming antagonisms through transformation of the ‘Self-Other’ dialectics, fails to become an agent of peace. Drawing on the case of Republika Srpska (RS), a political entity in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), we aim to understand how the EU’s post-conflict stabilization efforts, which, among others, presuppose the de-intensification of the antagonistic identity narratives, become entrapped in ethnopolitical narratives, and even ‘ethnicized’ by the ethnopolitical elite in RS. To answer these questions, we analyzed news articles at two critical junctures, namely the negotiations on the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (2005–2007) and the Butmir Process (2009), two of the most important EU-driven initiatives in post-conflict BiH. We find that those initiatives, which promised to make BiH more functional and stable, challenged the existing ethnopolitical narratives in BiH, particularly on the side of the ethnopolitical elite in RS.
U članku je analizirano na koji način je u javnom prostoru bosanskohercegovačkog entiteta Republika Srpska artikulisan odnos prema zločinu u Srebrenici iz jula 1995. godine, koji je odlukama ...Međunarodnog suda pravde i Međunarodnog suda za bivšu Jugoslaviju okvalifikovan kao zločin genocida. Predstavljeno je preplitanje samostalnih inicijativa i aktivnosti lokalnih zajednica na obeležavanju rata 1992–1995, sa zaključcima tri zvanična izveštaja o Srebrenici: Biroa vlade RS za odnose sa Haškim tribunalom vlade Republike Srpske (2002), Komisije za istraživanje događaja u i oko Srebrenice od 10. do 19. jula 1995. godine (2004) i Nezavisne međunarodne komisije za istraživanje stradanja svih naroda u srebreničkoj regiji u periodu 1992–1995. godine (2021).
In this paper, we focus on terrorism through the criminal legislation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the existing scientific fund, professional literature, various organizations, institutions, ...political entities, there is not a sufficient degree of agreement to be able to form a court that there is, in general, a generally accepted definition of terrorism. On the other hand, given the various activities and actions, results, effects and consequences of terrorist organizations and terrorists, we must state that there is a very high degree of agreement, that terrorism is one of the biggest security and security threats today. The growing increase in terrorist actions and threats has led to the implementation of new legislative norms in order to better counter terrorism. Organized crime at the international level and terrorist activities increasingly require the connection of states, international organizations through Conventions, Resolutions or Laws. Terrorism acts ambivalently and as a threat to the stability of society, states and their development on a global level. The expansion of terrorism over time has surprised many organizations, institutions, whose goal is to preserve security, where the need for reforms has arisen. Through the laws in Bosnia and Herzegovina, we will see how the legislator has solved the issue of terrorism and what are the consequences for those who do not adhere to them.
Upitnik za samoprocjenu sposobnosti kritičkog mišljenja Ane Galić, magistra filozofije, sproveden je u periodu od 25.05. do 14.06.2021. godine sa ciljem utvrđivanja samoprocjene nosilaca obrazovnog ...procesa za argumentaciju i efektivnu analizu intelektualnog aparata u javnim školama srednjoškolskog obrazovanja i univerzitetima Republike Srpske. Upitnik je takođe imao za cilj praktično provjeravanje odbranjene teze o potrebi uvođenja kritičkog mišljenja kao samostalnog predmeta u nastavni plan i program srednjih škola, izložene u teorijskom naučnom preglednom radu naziva: Uvođenje kritičkog mišljenja u nastavni plan i program srednjih škola kao samostalnog nastavnog predmeta.
In this paper, the author analyzes the institution of recall of a mayor in the legal system of the Republika Srpska by critically examining the provisions of two legislative acts: The Election Act of ...Republika Srpska and the Local Self-government Act of Republika Srpska. The institution of recall has a serious democratic potential because it is an instrument enabling political control of mayors by citizens. However, the current legal solutions in Republika Srpska limit this potential because they do not encourage citizens to use this instrument of political control, which is not the case with political parties. Given the fact that the decision on initiating the recall procedure depends on a local assembly, recall has very often been used as a tool for political confrontation between a local assembly and a mayor, while the citizens have remained a second-class political subject. The Election Act of Republika Srpska does not contain adequate provisions on the protection of rights of citizens and political subjects during the recall procedure. In fact, this issue is relatively unregulated or underregulated. The Local Self-government Act of Republika Srpska protects a local assembly which triggers an unsuccessful recall procedure since there is no legal guarantee that such a local assembly would be dissolved. The author proposes different solutions which should improve the regulation of this legal institute and reduce the possibility of turning it into a tool for political manipulation.
Conceptually, this paper is about the becoming of states and how such states are a socially constructed spaces, imagined and performed by those who perceive themselves as belonging to that state. It ...asks through what imaginaries and performative practices does a state come into being? More specifically, the paper investigates how the state is imagined and performed in times of war and peace hoping to offer insights to the co-constitution of war or peace and the state. The analysis of the fledgling state and suspended state-making process makes visible the emplaced imaginary and performative quality of every state. It may also shed light on the constitutive relationship between war-making on one hand and state-making or state-breaking on the other, as it explores an embryotic process of crafting a state in the midst of war. Empirically, this paper investigates the state-making process of Republika Srpska (RS) through the conceptual lens of state becoming. Here RS figures both as an empirical state-making process, and as an example of an imagined and performed state to be conceptually explored. In particular it reads the irredentism of RS to justify its territorial claims on the basis of real or imagined historic or ethnic affiliations within the context of the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the parallel state-making projects that remade the Western Balkans. Thus, this paper adds to the interdisciplinary debates on becoming a state as well as to imagined and performed statehood.
Det er gått en generasjon siden krigen i Bosnia-Hercegovina var over. Likevel lever landets innbyggere fortsatt i fattigdom og frustrasjon. Det kan virke som et mysterium at Bosnias stabile politiske ...elite holder seg ved makten i valgperiode etter valgperiode, uten å bli alvorlig utfordret. Dette på tross av at de jevnlig er involvert i korrupsjonsskandaler som tapper staten for ressurser, hindrer en velfungerende administrasjon og ødelegger tilliten mellom borgerne. Hva er det politikerne gir sine velgere, når de ikke kan gi dem fremskritt og velstand? En viktig del av svaret er: ideen om «etnisk rene» stater. Denne ideen betinger fortsatt mye av politikken i Bosnia-Hercegovina så vel som i flere av de andre jugoslaviske etterfølgerstatene. Aktører utenfra utnytter dette for å oppnå egne mål. Spesielt ser det ut som om Republika Srpskas sterke mann, Milorad Dodik, får russisk hjelp i stadige forsøk på å ytterligere sementere etniske skillelinjer i Bosnias statsordning. Men like lite som på 1990-tallet gir ideen om etnisk separasjon svar på hvordan landene i regionen kan oppnå velstand og leve i fred med naboene.
Ethnopopulist denial has become an essential part of the political repertoire of the political leadership of Republika Srpska (RS) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It has turned into an effective strategy ...to preserve power, appeal to voters and disparage internal opposition and international institutions. This article traces the origins of denial and relativisation of the past, outlining the main mechanisms, discourses and processes of leveraging denial as part of the ethnopopulist repertoire. It also depicts how and why denial resonates with the public and why. The article argues that the RS leadership escalates denial when its power is challenged.
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