In early 1992, there was a conflict between Knin and Belgrade over the acceptance of the Vance plan. The conflict also affected relations on the political scene of the Republic of Serbian Krajina. ...There was a split into two factions. One was headed by President Milan Babić, who was against the Vance plan, and the other was Parliament Speaker Mile Paspalj, who under pressure from Belgrade accepted the plan. In those conflicts, there was a parallelism of power, so during February, March, and April of 1992, the Krajina had two govern-ments. The focus of this paper is on the parallel government whose first minister was Risto Matković. His government was loyal to Milan Babić and had no sig-nificant support outside Knin. It held only three sessions and tried to counter the Government of Zdravko Zečević, which had the support of the Parliament of the Republic of Serbian Krajina and of official Belgrade, which was a crucial moment in the exercise of political power in the Krajina throughout its existence. The paper is based on unreleased archival materials, published documents, press, memoirs, and professional literature.
The aim of this paper is to test the quality of banking services with the Servqual model. Also, the results and conclusions of this paper can provide guidelines to banks on how to position themselves ...in a competitive market. The survey, conducted in the leading cities of Serbia, Montenegro and Republika Srpska, is tasked with measuring the perception of banking services, in order to assess the quality of banking services and the impact of expectations on perceived quality.
In order to take control of the entire Prijedor Municipality, Serbian military and police forces conducted attacks on areas in which Bosniaks or Croats were the majority population. Thus, Kozarac and ...its surroundings were attacked on 24 May 1992, soon followed by the Ljubija area. From 24 to 26 May 1992, the Serbian authorities formed the camps Omarska, Keraterm, and Trnopolje as well as several other places of internment. Captive Bosniaks and Croats from the city and municipality of Prijedor were brought and imprisoned there. The municipality was completely conquered in the second half of July 1992, when the Bosniak and Croat villages on the left bank of the Sana were attacked. According to data gathered thus far, 3,173 Bosniaks and Croats were killed on the territory of Prijedor Municipality.Victims of all the mentioned crimes included children and minors, killed exclusively due to their national or religious affiliation. In addition, many were subjected to imprisonment, expulsion, or other forms of crime. This paper is focused on the murders of 102 children and minors, based on records of missing and exhumed persons. The dates of their disappearances were recorded based on when their families reported them, which does not necessarily mean they were killed on those dates. The discovery of their remains during the exhumations and the fact that these bodies, and those that have yet to be exhumed, have been recorded in the database of the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP) are proof of the murders of said children and minors.
A substantial body of scholarship has developed addressing the narrative importance poetry plays in understanding war and conflict. This article develops a new thread in that conversation by ...examining how poetry and the discussion of poets served multiple, competing, and sometimes outright contradictory purposes at the four-and-a-half-year-long war crimes trial for Radovan Karadžić, a Bosnian Serb leader during the third Yugoslav War. The article endeavors to classify each of the principal ways poetry was used as evidence or as argument at Karadžić's trial before the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. A review of 47,659 pages of the public trial transcripts reveals that poetry and discussion of poets served both as a sword and a shield, depending on whether the prosecution or defense invoked poetry and poets, and why. Finally, the article comments on poetry's narrative import for the legal-historic record of Karadžić's trial and the precedent it sets for including creative arts in prosecutions for war crimes - a precedent with utility for deterrence and vigilance in an increasingly fractured international scene.
Diplomacy is no longer the preserve of the state. It is increasingly used by sub-state actors to contest state-level authority. In malfunctioning states like Bosnia and Herzegovina, where lengthy ...state-building efforts have not alleviated the risk of instability, this possibility is a cause for concern. This article builds on paradiplomatic and state-building studies to examine specific aspects of the Republika Srpska's (RS) bid for diplomatic actorness. Based on the content analysis of official documents and interviews, it assesses the level of diplomatic actorness of the RS in four dimensions (legal authority, external presence, internal presence, autonomy) and examines whether this has grown in collaboration or competition with state-level diplomacy. The article shows that the development of the RS's paradiplomatic activities is driven by ethno-political competition, facilitated by state and sub-state actors' mutual disregard, and that it both echoes and amplifies the systemic malfunctioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The theory and practice of referenda played an important role in the break-up of Yugoslavia, especially in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH), where two divisive referenda preceded the Bosnian War of ...1992-1995. After the failure of constitutional reforms in April 2006, Milorad Dodik, then Republika Srpska's prime minister, suggested that Republika Srpska had the right to hold its own referendum, with separation from Bosnia an unstated (yet soon openly discussed) aspiration. This paper presents an account of the emergence of Republika Srpska referendum discourse and how it was articulated by Milorad Dodik to establish his SNSD party as the dominant force in Republika Srpska. It documents the dialogical context and rhetorical gambits used by Dodik to articulate the discourse, tracing how it evolved in response to regional events and elections. The paper concludes by considering the limits of interpreting Dodik as a demagogue and of a discourse-centered approach to political rhetoric.
U radu se razmatraju rezultati izbora u Bosni i Hercegovini održani 12. listopada 2014. godine na razini Bosne i Hercegovine, na razini Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine i Republike Srpske. Izdvojena su ...zapažanja s područja BiH i bliskog susjedstva, kao i najnovija inicijativa ministara vanjskih poslova Njemačke i Velike Britanije te izvještaj visokog predstavnika za BiH. Navedeno je da se rješenje nalazi u samom društvu i provođenju zajedničkog interesa svih naroda u BiH.
Non-native alien zoopathogens have had a profound impact on the health of
aquatic zoobiota in Republika Srpska and the Republic of Serbia as well as
around the region and the world as a whole. The ...movement of disease-causing
microfungi around the world has taken its toll on many different organisms,
and continues to intensify with an increase in global transport of cargo,
people, and animals. Those who study fungi have little information about the
characteristics of invasive, zopathogenic fungi because of the fact that a
particular fungus can inhabit many different organisms, and may be pathogenic
to some of these hosts but not to the others. Crayfish plague (Aphanomyces
astaci) broke out through the Danube River to the territory of Backa and
Banat (today A.P. Vojvodina, the Republic of Serbia) in 1879. Until 1880, the
disease spread through the Sava River to the northern Bosnia (today Republika
Srpska). From 1955 until 1970, almost all territories of Republika Srpska and
Republic of Serbia were afflicted with the crayfish plague disease. Despite
the fact that the problems of the spread of crayfish plague in the territory
of the Republika Srpska and the Republic of Serbia have been of great
significance, there is little data available for analyzing this issue.
According to IUCN criteria, and mostly due to the Aphanomyces astaci
invasion, the degree of endangerment of noble crayfish in Serbia was
evaluated as ?Endangered?, which was a higher degree than the international
level determined for this species, i.e., ?Vulnerable?.
Alohtone zoopatogene mikrogljive imaju dubok uticaj na zdravlje akvaticnih
zoobiota u Republici Srpskoj i Republici Srbiji, kao i sirom regiona i sveta
u celini. Zoonoze koje izazivaju mikrogljive sirom sveta ugrozavaju razlicite
organizme, i ta pretnja se intenzivira sa povecanjem globalnog transporta
robe, ljudi i zivotinja. Mikolozi i oni koji se na ovaj ili onaj nacin bave
gljivama raspolazu sa relativno malo informacija o karakteristikama
invazivnih, zoopatogenih gljiva, jer jedna parazitska vrsta gljiva moze da
naseljava razlicite organizme, i moze biti patogena za neke od ovih domacina,
ali ne i za druge. Uzrocnik kuge naseg plemenitog raka (akvaticna plesan
Aphanomyces astaci) dospeo je 1879. godine Dunavom na teritoriju Backe i
Banata (danas AP Vojvodina, Republika Srbija). Rekom Savom bolest se vec do
1880. godine prosirila teritorijom severne Bosna (danas Republika Srpska,
BiH). Od 1955. do 1970. god. gotovo celokupnu teritoriju Republike Srpske i
Republike Srbije osvojila je ova zoonoza. Uprkos velikom znacaju problema
sirenja rakove kuge na teritoriji Republike Srpske i Republike Srbije, malo
je dostupnih podataka koji se bave ovim pitanjem. Prema IUCN kriterijumima,
uglavnom zbog invazije Aphanomices astaci stepen ugrozenosti vrste plemenitog
raka u Srbiji se ocenjuje kao ?ugrozena?, sto je za stepen vise od
medjunarodnog nivoa utvrdjenog za ovu vrstu, tj. ?ranjiva?.
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