El artículo de Nikolay Koposov analiza específicamente un proyecto de ley sobre memoria, puesto en discusión por el Parlamento ruso en 2009. El proyecto se remonta al conflicto ruso-estonio de 2007 ...con motivo del traslado del monumento de bronce “al soldado desconocido soviético” del centro de Tallin a un cementerio militar: uno de los tantos conflictos de memoria abiertos en el curso de los últimos años entre Rusia y algunos de sus vecinos (Ucrania, Polonia, Países Bálticos). Rusia se ha mostrado particularmente sensible a cualquier crítica relativa al papel de la Unión Soviética en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Después del fin de la URSS, la memoria de la guerra se ha transformado en el principal basamento de la identidad nacional rusa, la que a su vez sirve para eclipsar otra memoria: la del terror estalinista, con la que, ni los sucesivos gobiernos postsoviéticos ni la mayoría de la población han querido, hasta ahora, hacerse cargo. Otra de sus funciones consiste en el interés de convencer al pueblo ruso del papel positivo del Estado en la historia nacional, núcleo ideológico central el poder ruso actual. Si al inicio de los años noventa la concepción neoestalinista de la historia parecía por completo superada, posteriormente ha cobrado fuerza e incluso se ha asistido a una cierta rehabilitación del difunto dictador tanto como vencedor de la guerra mundial como modernizador de la sociedad rusa. El mito del pueblo inocente y heroico y la glorificación del Estado aparecen en el centro de las representaciones colectivas. En este contexto de avivamiento de un nacionalismo ruso es donde se ha situado éste proyecto de ley sobre la memoria, del cual Koposov describe sus itinerarios y conclusiones.
Stalinism the Polish Way This is the first part of the introduction to issue 8/19 of Studia Litteraria et Historica. The issue focuses on an anthropological and sociological analysis of the years ...19451956 in Poland and, to some degree, on a deconstruction of contemporary Polish narratives on Stalinism. The author discusses the reasons for reexamining the subject, along with the methodological basis of such reexamination. The article also offers a polemical discussion of Andrzej Leder’s interpretation of Poland’s Stalinist period. Stalinizm po polsku Tekst stanowi pierwszą część wstępu do numeru 8 za 2019 rok czasopisma „Studia Litteraria et Historica”, poświęconego antropologicznej i socjologicznej analizie lat 19451956 w Polsce, a także częściowo dekonstrukcji współczesnych polskich narracji o stalinizmie. Autorka referuje przyczyny, dla których temat ten należy podjąć na nowo, oraz założenia metodologiczne takiego przedsięwzięcia. Podejmuje także polemikę z interpretacją okresu stalinizmu w Polsce zaproponowaną przez Andrzeja Ledera.
Daly, Jonathan, Crime and Punishment in Russia, A Comparative History from Peter the Great to Vladimir Putin, Londres, Bloomsbury, 2018, 236 p. ISBN: 978-1-4742-2435-2. Para ayudar a esta marcha ...hacia el socialismo y asegurar su triunfo, es necesario hacer la guerra contra los que lo retrasan, voluntariamente o no; y, en primer lugar, exterminar a los enemigos del poder de los «soviets», necesidad mayor aún porque han hecho estallar la guerra civil y suscitado la intervención extranjera. En los años sesenta, este modelo dio paso a la propuesta revisionista, que puso al individuo en el centro de dicha narración y estaba basado en la idea de la «revolución desde abajo», en la existencia de un apoyo masivo a los cambios sociales y a las medidas estatales y del Partido. La propuesta que insiste en el totalitarismo del régimen de Stalin se encuentra en las obras, algunas de ellas ya clásicas, de Zbigniev Brzezinski y Carl Friedrich, Hannah Arendt, y los historiadores Adam Ulam, Robert Conquest y Richard Pipes2, aunque su influencia se hace notar aún en la obra dirigida por Stéphane Courtois, Le livre noir du communisme: crimes, terreur, repression, publicada en París en 1997, o los dos libros posteriores del mismo autor:
Mátyás Rákosi, first secretary of the Hungarian Workers' Party, was forced to resign on 18th July 1956. He was followed by Ernő Gerő who was also considered to be a stalinist leader. However, after ...the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union he gradually changed his mind and became reform-orientated. He announced his political reforms known as the policy of „clear sheet". These reforms are mosdy forgotten, contrary to the fact that they were not only announced but executed as well. One of the main aims of these reforms was to increase the role of the Hungarian National Assembly, which was neglected during the Rákosi leadership. The Parliament assembled twice a year, negotiating only for 8-10 days per annum. The number of laws was reduced by issuing so-called „law decrees". There were no interpellations for years, from 1949 to 1956. This study analyzes the five-day session of the National Assembly in the summer of 1956, where many significant changes took place. First of all, two resolutions were passed in order to secure the greater role of the parliament and the MPs in public life. The second important issue was the „socialist lawfulness", e.g. the rehabilitation process of the victims of the show trials; other measures were to be taken to penalize those officials (mostly in the political police) who broke the laws in the first half of the 1950s. The Prime Minister and the Attorney General also had long speeches which dealt with socialist lawfulness. The third important event was the interpellation day, where the first interpellations could be heard for seven years. Although these changes were excessive, it is necessary to underline the limits of this democratization. Old habits were hard to break. Parliamentary reforms were prepared even before the fall of Rákosi. What is more, its recommendations were more radical than the resolutions which were adopted later. There were no real debates either: speakers were carefully selected previously. Lawfulness had its own limits; it was only a socialist lawfulness. However, these were only the first steps to the right direction. The next session was to be held in October with important subjects on its agenda. However, due to the revolution of 1956, the session was cancelled. The National Assembly was convened only in May 1957, when Kádár restored the stalinist type of legislation
A Guerra Fria, surgida em fins da década de 1940, com o lançamento da Doutrina Truman, abriu uma nova página na história. O mundo inteiro foi marcado pela sombra de uma nova guerra mundial, que, em ...determinados momentos, pareceu realmente poder acontecer. As armas nucleares intensificariam ainda mais o temor de um conflito internacional, principalmente, por não ser possível calcular suas proporções. A partir daquele momento, os comunistas passaram a construir uma nova identidade social, a de pacifistas, propagando ideias, símbolos e discursos, através de panfletos e folhetos distribuídos à população e, sobretudo, por intermédio de sua imprensa.
Nu cred că a fost o pură întâmplare asemănarea dintre Asociaţia de Ştiinţe Sociale din Budapesta - acum alungată - şi Institutul Social Român din Bucureşti. Cu rădăcini în sociografiile de la ...începutul secolului, mişcarea „poporanilor" a produs volume de demascare a mizeriei satului maghiar, sociografii literare şi lucrări de sociologie rurală de bună calitate. De altfel, până la Revoluţia din 1956, la fel ca în majoritatea ţărilor cu regim stalinist, nu se putea vorbi despre cercetări sociologice sau descrieri sociografice. Deşi atmosfera de după revoluţie nu a fost prielnică începerii demersurilor pentru reabilitarea sociologiei, din raţiuni de politică externă, şi Ungaria trebuia să ia parte la politica hruşcioviană de deschidere spre Occident, în cadrul căreia se preconiza participarea la lucrările Asociaţiei Internaţionale de Sociologie din 1959, ceea ce presupunea şi instituţionalizarea sociologiei în ţările est-europene. Procesul de reintroducere a sociologiei din anii '60 nu putea să fie exclusiv unul de perfecţionare profesională, pentru că relaţia cu materialismul istoric marxist, definirea rolului sociologiei în proiectele partidului şi poziţia sociologilor faţă de reforma în curs a mecanismului economic au consumat multe energii.
Syntactic Structures, published by Noam Chomsky in 1957, marked a new, if not revolutionary, stage in the development of Western linguistics. Its impact behind the Iron Curtain has by far received ...much less attention. The text was very soon translated into Russian, in a period of lively discussions on structuralism after the liquidation of Marrism by Stalin in 1950 and the revision of Stalinism in 1956. The paper discusses the general scenario of those years, showing how concrete and strategic needs, such as machine translation and the introduction of mathematical methods in linguistics, paved the way to a formal approach and favored the quite positive and ideologically neutral acceptance of Syntactic Structures among Soviet scholars.
Durante o stalinismo tardio (1945-53), o cinema soviético, como o americano, produziu várias películas veiculando mensagens de interesse governamental. A propaganda soviética transparece em filmes ...como Zagovor obrechennyh, 1950, apesar (e talvez com maior maestria) do trabalho do diretor Mikhail Kalatozov. Por meio da sócio-história cinematográfica de Marc Ferro pode-se apreciar a construção de um discurso legitimador dos novos regimes socialistas locais, da condução da luta política contra o titoísmo e a passagem do Leste Europeu da influência ocidental (ora inglesa, ora alemã) para a soviética (cumprindo o papel do antigo pêndulo russo), e o fim da experiência democrática liberal, trocada pela da democracia popular, com a derrota do novo rival americano e de seu Plano Marshall na região, substituídos pelo COMECOM.
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