Este artículo analiza, desde la perspectiva histórica, la política y la práctica del asilo diplomático del gobierno de Chile en Cuba durante enero-marzo de 1959. Dicha política continuó vigente hasta ...agosto de 1964, fecha en que Chile rompió relaciones diplomáticas con Cuba. Coincidiendo con la fuga del dictador Fulgencio Batista de Cuba el 1 de enero de 1959, se produjo una importante demanda de asilo de sus partidarios en distintas embajadas en La Habana, incluida la representación diplomática chilena, que fue la que más asilados recibió. El entonces denominado “problema de las embajadas”, que debería haber sido solucionado en pocas semanas, demoró dos meses, y finalmente fue resuelto luego de que Fidel Castro asumiera como primer ministro. A partir de estos hechos y los sucedidos en los meses siguientes, Cuba adoptaría un criterio más claro sobre la aplicación del derecho de asilo diplomático. La presente investigación se sustenta, principalmente, en el estudio cualitativo de documentación tanto de Chile (Archivo General Histórico del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores) como de Cuba (Archivo General Histórico del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Archivo Histórico del Consejo de Estado y Biblioteca Nacional José Martí).
The so-called refugee crisis forced a rethinking of migration and asylum policy, as the consequences of the transfer of hundreds of thousands of people within the Schengen area jeopardized the ...effective free movement of persons. Among the measures proposed, those relating to the creation of a mechanism for the relocation between Member States of persons seeking international protection stand out. The drawbacks and impediments to achieving a stable, predictable and supportive system in this matter represent an example of the difficulties of deepening European asylum policy.
This contribution argues that the three dominant approaches to European integration cannot fully explain why the two most recent crises of the European Union (EU) resulted in very different outcomes. ...Liberal intergovernmentalism and neofunctionalism can account for why the euro crisis resulted in more integration, but fail to explain why the EU has been stuck in a stalemate in the Schengen crisis. With regard to postfunctionalism, it is the other way around. To solve the puzzle, we have to consider that depoliticization through supranational delegation during the euro crisis has ultimately led to more, not less politicization. Moreover, both crises were about identity politics. Political controversies over the euro crisis have centred predominantly on questions of order, i.e., what constitutes Europe as a community and how much solidarity members of the community owe to each other under which conditions. The mass influx of migrants and refugees changed identity politics, since Eurosceptic populist parties framed the Schengen crisis in terms of borders, advocating for an exclusionary 'fortress Europe.' In contrary of a more inclusionary discourse, the dominance of exclusionary positions in the politicization of EU affairs has impaired an upgrading of the common European interest in the Schengen crisis.
The colonial government of southern Nigeria began to use asylums to
confine the allegedly insane in 1906. These asylums were
administered by the British but confined Africans. Yet, as even
many in ...the government recognized, insanity is a condition that
shows cultural variation. Who decided the inmates were insane and
how? This sophisticated historical study pursues these questions as
it examines fascinating source material-writings by African
patients in these institutions and the reports of officials,
doctors, and others-to discuss the meaning of madness in Nigeria,
the development of colonial psychiatry, and the connections between
them. Jonathan Sadowsky's well-argued, concise study provides
important new insights into the designation of madness across
cultural and political frontiers. Imperial Bedlam follows
the development of insane asylums from their origins in the
nineteenth century to innovative treatment programs developed by
Nigerian physicians during the transition to independence. Special
attention is given to the writings of those considered "lunatics,"
a perspective relatively neglected in previous studies of
psychiatric institutions in Africa and most other parts of the
world. Imperial Bedlam shows how contradictions inherent
in colonialism were articulated in both asylum policy and
psychiatric theory. It argues that the processes of confinement,
the labeling of insanity, and the symptoms of those so labeled
reflected not only cultural difference but also political divides
embedded in the colonial situation. Imperial Bedlam thus
emphasizes not only the cultural background to madness but also its
political and experiential dimensions.
In political and academic debates, a knowledge gap exists regarding the impact of different strands of national policies on the number of asylum arrivals. This article analyzes the effects of policy ...reforms on the distribution of asylum seekers among a group of major European receiving countries. More specifically, we study significant changes in the legislation that regulate the following three areas: (i) access to the asylum procedure, (ii) the asylum processing, and (iii) the family reunification and family formation. Empirically, we study how national reforms within these policy areas in nine Northwestern European destination countries affect the distribution of yearly outflows from 48 countries of origin, during the period 1985 to 2015. Applying a statistical approach, which accounts for simultaneous changes in other destination countries’ asylum policies, we conclude that more restrictive legislation appears to have significant effects on the distribution of asylum seekers among destination countries. In relative terms, restrictions that make reunification with current and future family less probable have the strongest negative influence, followed by tightening of the rules that govern the outcome of the asylum procedures.
Abstract
We study whether and how governments influence public opinion about immigration policies in Europe. At the European level, conflicts about policy are generally territorial in nature – that ...is, they involve conflicts between member states, which are represented by their governments. Distinguishing between four types of situations, depending on whether the national governments support or oppose EU policy proposals, we formulate and test hypotheses concerning the positions of incumbent and opposition voters/non-voters on four different asylum-policy proposals in 16 European countries. We test both direct effects of incumbent cues on voters' preferences, and moderating effects, where the cueing affects the way in which individual attitudes to immigration and European integration translate into specific preferences for EU asylum and immigration policies. Our results suggest that voters, indeed, follow the cues provided by their governments when forming their preferences on EU policies.
Forced displacement invariably entails jeopardizing education. By giving parents and children a voice, this study examines the inextricable situations – wars, repressions, humanitarian crises – ...forcing them into exile. It retraces the paths of children marked by dropping out of school or chaotic schooling in the countries of origin or transit. It reveals the challenges posed by the arrival of this population of particularly vulnerable pupils for the educational and social work of schools. By questioning the limitations of the right to education in the context of forced migration and a restrictive asylum policy, this book fills an important gap in the study of educational vulnerability linked to exile. It offers innovative ways to support the schooling of children of asylum seekers, by enabling them to take advantage of their own, often unsuspected, resources.
Objective/Context: This article aims to describe how the Peruvian migration policy towards the Venezuelan population is part of migration control logic. Migration and refugee laws are analyzed, and ...the political-legal mechanism of the Temporary Permit of Permanence in the light of the concepts of “control policy with a human face” and migratory governance. Methodology: the work is based on analyzing a series of interviews with different key actors of the State and international organizations in 3 cities of the country (Lima, Tumbes, and Tacna) carried out between January and March 2020. This analysis is complemented by the detailed review of the Peruvian regulatory and institutional framework and various interviews and public statements by the Office of the President of the Republic on Venezuelan migration. Conclusions: it is concluded that, despite having a renewed immigration legislation, the responses of the Peruvian State to Venezuelan migration are anchored in the concepts of control and utility of migration. Likewise, asylum policy, supposedly more protective, is also impacted by discourses and control practices. Originality: this work proposes a comprehensive analysis of the policies towards the Venezuelan population, including that of asylum. This approach allows us to understand the complex relationships between immigration and asylum policy. In addition to focusing on the State’s role in the construction of these policies, the perspective of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) are included as key actors in this process. With this, the work opens new avenues of research on international actors’ role in managing migration in the region.
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