On February 24, 2019, for the first and last time, the citizens of the Republic of Moldova elected deputies of the country’s Parliament within a mixed electoral system. The Parliamentary elections ...took place in a tense political context, characterized by contradictory relations between the governors and the opposition, the low level of citizens’ confidence in the state institutions, a continuous degradation of the democratic standards and, consequently, a cooling relations with developed partners of the Republic of Moldova, especially with the European Union. The environment, in which the elections were held, was also influenced by the consequences of devaluation of the banking system in 2014 and of the socio-economic and political crisis that followed. Following the stagnation of the main reforms between 2016 and 2018, the European Union stopped funding the reforms and froze the macro-financial assistance in 2018. The opinions of the international actors, regarding the Parliamentary elections from February 24, 2019, accredited by the Central Election Commission, were analyzed. Also, are analyzed the reports and statements of the institutions that have monitored and evaluated the parliamentary elections from February 24, 2019.
In October 2014 a citizens' initiative called 'In the Name of the Family' collected more than 380,000 signatures demanding a constitutional referendum on comprehensive electoral reform in Croatia. ...The Initiative aimed to introduce preferential voting for MPs; new criteria for the establishment of electoral constituencies; a lower electoral threshold from five to three per cent; a ban on pre-electoral coalitions and joint lists of several parties; and postal and electronic voting. The constitutional referendum demanded by the initiative was not held due to the organizers collecting an insufficient number of signatures for the referendum petition to be valid, and only a limited reform of the electoral system was enacted with the introduction of preferential voting for MPs. What had started as a bottom-up citizens' initiative (or 'mass imposition' in Renwick's terminology) finally ended as an 'elite majority imposition' of an electoral reform.
Presidents often lack legislative majorities, but situations of opposition-party majorities (“divided government”) are much less common outside the United States. The president's party's share of ...seats tends to increase in early-term elections but decline in later elections. Thus opposition majorities often result after midterm elections. Opposition majorities rarely occur in elections held concurrently with the presidential election but are more likely to do so if legislators enjoy electoral independence from their parties due to features of electoral laws.
In 2004, the single non-transferable vote (SNTV) was abolished in Taiwan. The SNTV had long been seen as a major factor in the sustenance of county- and township-level clientelist networks (“local ...factions”). It was also associated with phenomena such as extremism, candidate-centred politics, vote-buying, clientelism and organized crime involvement in politics. More recent scholarship, however, has led to doubts that a single formal institution like an electoral system could have such a powerful influence on electoral mobilization. This article puts these positions to an initial test. It examines the impact of the electoral reform on the mobilization capacity of a local faction in a rural county notorious for its factionalism. By illuminating its intricate mobilization structures, it provides support for the second position: These structures are too resilient to be affected by even a radical electoral reform.
Political opposition parties are considered crucial to the nurturing, enhancing and consolidating of democracy in every political system. Indeed, their existence is proof of political tolerance, ...competitive party elections, the provision of choices to the voting public and the possibility of alternation in power. However, the political opposition on the African continent is generally weak, and particularly so in Botswana, resulting in the predominance of the ruling party in political affairs. This article analyses the weaknesses of Botswana's opposition parties by tracing their historical evolution, characteristics, electoral base, and performance against the background of the political and electoral system in Botswana and the strength of the ruling party itself. It concludes that future prospects for the opposition to make greater inroads into the Botswana Democratic Party's support are small because of the fragmented nature of the opposition itself and the relative satisfaction of citizens with the current government's performance.
Fully Proportional Representation Monroe, Burt L.
The American political science review,
12/1995, Volume:
89, Issue:
4
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Even though voters can have complex preferences over multiple candidates or parties, all extant electoral systems provide political representation based solely or primarily on voters' first ...preferences. I present a new concept of proportional representation that takes account of voters' preferences over the full list of alternatives—fully proportional representation (FPR)—and schemes for its implementation. I outline a “pure” FPR scheme, but because this scheme would have several undesirable features when used by real voters, I also discuss modifications that account for these difficulties. Although there are a variety of interpretations of the role played by voting in democracy, several can be shown to suggest FPR as a normative ideal. Fully proportional representation provides us with new ways to conceptualize existing electoral systems, a new standard against which alternative systems can be evaluated, and several feasible alternatives for approximating this new ideal.
Previous research has found a positive relationship between having voted for a party that is part of the government and satisfaction with democracy. However, no research has examined this ...relationship in the specific case of a two-round system. Relying on original panel data survey conducted before and after the 2012 legislative election in France, this article addresses the question of how vote choices in the first and second rounds affect satisfaction with democracy. We find that both rounds have a similar impact and that voters who rallied a winning party in the second round are as happy with the democratic process as early supporters.
For years, scholars and pundits have blamed Japan's single, non-transferable vote (SNTV) electoral system for the factions that divide and organize the ruling Liberal Democratic Party
(LDP). In ...January 1994, Japan abandoned SNTV, and the first election under the new rules occurred in October 1996. If SNTV did in fact sustain the factions, it makes sense that the factional structure ought to have weakened under the new rules. In this article, we provide an informal model of what the old factional exchange between leaders and followers was like and investigate the extent to which the terms of this exchange, and hence the characteristics of Japanese factionalism, have begun to change under the new rules. We expect and find the largest decline in factional leaders' role in the area of nominations, and the slightest changes, at least in the short run, in the allocation of posts. On the other side of the exchange, we find that followers appear less willing to march to their leaders' tunes in LDP presidential elections.
For more than a century now, the Philippines has been at the forefront of democracy in the Southeast Asian region. Since the early 1990s, the country has sought to institutionalize democratic ...processes, which aim to meaningfully engage Filipinos in the public and political spheres. In line with its efforts of strengthening its electoral systems, it has also taken a leading role in the region in promoting and protecting the rights of voters with disabilities by becoming one of the first States Parties to ratify the United Nations convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD). A key provision of the UNCRPD is affording voters with disabilities the equal opportunity to engage in every electoral process on an equal basis with other abled-bodied voters. However, in spite of recent developments, the Philippines has yet to effectively implement disability-inclusive electoral policies and processes that would not only engage able-bodied Filipino voters but also one of the country’s largest minority community—Filipino voters with disabilities. This paper examines the effectiveness of the Philippine government in ensuring that Filipino voters with disabilities are guaranteed with and are able to exercise their right to suffrage. Using a mixed method approach and the disability convention (DisCo) policy framework, this research evaluates the content of existing legislative measures relating to the country’s electoral system, the corresponding executive and budgetary support to implement electoral laws and policies for Filipino voters with disabilities, the administrative and coordinating capacity of implementing electoral agencies, the prevailing attitude of the society towards Filipino voters with disabilities, and the degree of participation of Filipino voters with disabilities in the development of Philippine electoral laws and policies.
This article offers a comprehensive analysis of the means of electoral challenge in Mexico, focusing on the role played by the Electoral Tribunal of the Federal Judiciary (TEPJF). Through qualitative ...and documentary research, the various forms of challenge available in the Mexican electoral system are examined, including resources of appeal, revision, and reconsideration, along with trials of nonconformity and constitutional electoral review. The research highlights how these mechanisms reflect the complexity and robustness of the system, and how the TEPJF, as the supreme entity in electoral matters, ensures the legality and legitimacy of electoral processes. The jurisprudence and key decisions of the TEPJF are analyzed, providing insights into its interpretation of electoral law and its impact on the country's political dynamics. The study also assesses the effectiveness of the TEPJF in strengthening Mexican democracy, underscoring its role in the resolution of electoral disputes and in maintaining the integrity of the electoral process. Finally, the article proposes recommendations to strengthen the legal and procedural framework, improve the transparency and communication of the TEPJF, and suggests continuous monitoring of its decisions. This work significantly contributes to the understanding of electoral justice in Mexico and highlights the importance of the TEPJF in the democratic consolidation of the country.
Este artículo ofrece un análisis exhaustivo de los medios de impugnación electoral en México, centrando su atención en el papel desempeñado por el Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF). A través de un estudio cualitativo y documental, se examinan las diversas formas de impugnación disponibles en el sistema electoral mexicano, incluyendo recursos de apelación, revisión y reconsideración, junto con los juicios de inconformidad y revisión constitucional electoral. La investigación destaca cómo estos mecanismos reflejan la complejidad y robustez del sistema, y cómo el TEPJF, como entidad máxima en materia electoral, asegura la legalidad y legitimidad de los procesos electorales. Se analiza la jurisprudencia y las decisiones clave del TEPJF, proporcionando insights sobre su interpretación de la ley electoral y su impacto en la dinámica política del país. El estudio también evalúa la eficacia del TEPJF en fortalecer la democracia mexicana, subrayando su rol en la resolución de controversias electorales y en el mantenimiento de la integridad del proceso electoral. Finalmente, el artículo plantea recomendaciones para fortalecer el marco legal y procesal, mejorar la transparencia y comunicación del TEPJF, y sugiere un monitoreo continuo de sus decisiones. Este trabajo contribuye significativamente al entendimiento de la justicia electoral en México y resalta la importancia del TEPJF en la consolidación democrática del país.
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