Prispevek primerja objavljanje literarnih, metaliterarnih in filozofskih príspevkov v dveh studentskih časopisih leta 1968; slovenski Tribuni in češkoslovaškem Studentu. Literatura in teorija sta v ...okviru študentskih gibanj »dolgega leta 1968« odigrali pomembno vlogo na Zahodu, zato nas je zanimalo, kako se je ta simbioza aktivizma, misli in literarnega ustvarjanja odražala v študentskih časopisih v dveh socialističnih državah. Za primerjavo smo izbrali literarne objave, literarno-teoretske hibride, teoretske tekste ter recepcijo literature in teorije z Zahoda.
After the USSR had lost the global “battle for the souls” against the Western world in the global aftermath of the great social and cultural revolution of the sixties, its potential for international ...integration of the progressive, socialist and leftist ideologies of the world rapidly declined, which opened up an era of Soviet isolationism. Yet at the same time, new major, “players” arose on the stage of international socialism. Communist parties of Western Europe, primarily those of France, Italy, and Spain, completed under the welfare state era their two decades long process of ideological evolution toward what was to become known as Euro-communism, and later as democratic socialism. In the aftermath of the great social and cultural revolution of the Western World during the sixties, and in the after-math of its falling out with the USSR following the Soviet aggression against Czechoslovakia after the events of the Prague Spring, the Italian Communist Party called upon its deputies and delegations of the foreign communist parties to attend the XII Congress of P.I.C., which was supposed to determine the future positions of the party concerning international affairs and conduct the long-awaited reconstruction of the party’s ideology, creating along the way the specific ideological line that was known among its contemporaries as the Italian path of socialism. Yugoslavia had been one of the strongest supporters of the Italian pathand of Italian criticism of the USSR. The Yugoslav delegation in Bologna conducted a series of talks with the Italian communist leaders and concluded a number of bilateral treaties with the Italian Communist Party. Also, the Yugoslav representatives used the occasion of their visit to strengthen relations with the representatives of the Italian Government. Sources show that Yugoslavia had started to take increasingly greater interest in the formation of the new European socialist ideologies, and the interest was apparently mutual, since the Yugoslav historical experience of breaking away from the Cominform two decades earlier and Yugoslav socialist ideas of selfgovernment of the working class had been one of main topics in the discussions that held at the XII Congress regarding the ideas for the reconstruction of the Italian Communist Party, its foreign policies, and its ideology.
Već više od dve godine traje velika pan-evropska debata o Budućnosti evropske socijal-demokratije (2009-2011) kao pokušaj odgovora na izazove globalne krize, ali i na duboku i dugotrajnu krizu same ...socijal-demokratije. Dok su tokom 2000. godine socijal-demokrati bila na vlasti u većini evropskih zemalja (11 od 15 članica EU ), danas vladaju u samo nekoliko perifernih zemalja Evrope (4 od 27 članica EU u 2011). Iako u nekoliko velikih zemalja još uvek privlače 20-30% birača, odnosno poseduju koalicioni kapacitet i za osvajanje vlasti, ipak je marginalizacija ključni trend. U traganju za vlastitim identitetom, novom paradigmom, pan-evropska debata problematizuje ključne teme i izazove naše civilizacije, kao što su globalizacija, logika kapitalizma i njegove moguće reforme, smisao i značaj Evropske Unije. Ova debata ponovo vraća u javni diskurs i niz ključnih koncepata na kojima se gradi zamisao o ‘dobrom društvu’, kao što su društvene vrednosti, kultura, značaj srednje klase i ekološka i socijalna održivost.
Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- This paper examines all forms of political violence which can be generated by ideologically motivated extremism and under what ...conditions. Since extremism is relatively amorphous and quite variable phenomenon, primarily due to similarities to other phenomena such as terrorism, fanaticism, fundamentalism and populism, but also due to time, space and cultural conditioning, we developed its classification based on different criteria. We have considered that the most reliable classification of extremism is based on program-goal orientation, its participants, methods and means as well as the time of onset. Taking into account that the ideology is one of a "most elusive phenomenon" in the social sciences, with great influence on the political situation as well, we decided to examine all of the options that affect the ideological profiling of left-wing and right-wing extremism. Although there are a number of differences between them, the extreme left and extreme right are closely related by the following characteristics: they negate democracy and its instruments such as tolerance, parliamentarism and legalism and what is the most dangerous –they use violence as a method of action. While socialism, anarchism, ecologism and feminism represent the ideological base that predetermines the extreme left, fascism, nationalism, religious fundamentalism and conservatism may represent the ideological basis from which the extreme right shall develop. It is determined that the majority of basic and complex forms of political violence can degenerate under the influence of ideologically founded extremism. Some forms of violence are typical of the extreme left, such as revolution and guerrilla, and seldom can be found in the extreme rightists. The causal relationship between ideologically motivated extremism and globalization is examined because of their diametrically opposed value systems, and also because of their mutual interdependence in certain spheres. It has been determined that denationalization, desovereignalization and universalization promoted by the globalization stimulates extreme rightists to violent actions, while the extreme leftists fight against the exploitation of the poor and the enormous economic differences produced by globalization. In order to improve understanding of the specifics of modern ideologically motivated extremism a comparative analysis of the most important participants has been made, encompassing the area of the United States, Europe and Serbia. When it comes to the extreme right in the U.S., it sprang from the principles of racism which are deeply rooted in its tradition(stemming from the time of the Ku Klux Klan). In Europe, the right-wing extremism is created in response to the influx of large numbers of immigrants who gave birth toxenophobia, while in Serbia the extreme right is a product of nationalism which was the main instigator of the civil wars in former Yugoslavia, in the 90-'s of the 20th century. The left-wing extremism is intensifying due to the global economic crisis, which has "woken up" many anarchist organizations. Apart from anarchism, extreme left has generated eco-extremism which is present primarily in the area of the United States and Great Britain. In European countries, the extreme left is interconnecting and striving toward internationalization, as is evident in numerous actions performed all over the world. In Greece, the extreme left assumed the form of anarchy terrorism which is a great problem for European security system. The extremism of left-wing ideological provenance in Serbia is still at its beginning and is based on the idea of anarchism, attracting mainly the unemployed, losers from the process of transition and students. Ideologically motivated extremism in the form of the extreme left and the extreme right is most common in times of crisis because it offers “easy solutions" which are mainly accomplished by using violence. Taking into account that in the future occasional major crises may come and go, it is reasonable to assume that the left-wing and right-wing motivated extremism will survive, and with them their violence.- U radu se istražuje koje sve to oblike političkog nasilja može generisati ideološki motivisan ekstremizam i pod kojim uslovima. Kako je ekstremizam relativno amorfan i poprilično varijabilan fenomen pre svega zbog sličnosti sa ostalim fenomenima poput terorizma, fanatizma, fundamentalizma i populizma, ali i zbog vremenske, prostorne i kulturološke uslovljenosti, napravili smo njegovu klasifikaciju na osnovu različitih kriterijuma. Smatrali smo da je najpouzdanije izvršiti klasifikaciju ekstremizma na osnovu programsko-ciljne orijentacije, njegovih aktera, metoda i sredstava, kao i vremena nastanka. Uzimajući u obzir da je ideologija jedan od “najneuhvatljivijih fenomena” u društvenim naukama sa pri tom izuzetno velikim uticajem na politička dešavanja, odlučili smo se da ispitamo koje sve to ideološke opcije utiču na profilisanje levičarskog i desničarskog ekstremizma. Iako postoji niz razlika među njima, ekstremna levica i ekstremna desnica su veoma srodne po sledećim karakteristikama: negiraju demokratiju i njene instrumente poput tolerancije, parlamentarizma i legalizma i ono što je najopasnije – primenjuju nasilje kao metod delovanja. Dok socijalizam, anarhizam, ekologizam i feminizam predstavljaju ideološku bazu koja predodređuje ekstremnu levicu, fašizam, nacionalizam, religijski fundamentalizam i konzervativizam mogu predstavljati ideološku osnovu iz koje će se razviti ekstremna desnica. Utvrđeno je da se većina osnovnih i složenih oblika političkog nasilja može izroditi pod uticajem ideološki fundiranog ekstremizma. Neki oblici nasilja su tipični za ekstremnu levicu, poput revolucije i gerile, i retko se mogu naći kod ekstremnih desničara. Ispitivan je i kauzalni odnos između ideološki motivisanog ekstremizma i globalizacije zbog njihovih dijametralno suprotnih vrednosnih sistema, ali i njihove međusobne uslovljenosti u određenim sferama. Utvrđeno je da denacionalizacija, desuverenizacija i univerzalizacija koje propagira globalizacija podstrekuju ekstremne desničare na nasilno delovanje, dok se ekstremni levičari bore protiv eksploatacije siromašnih i velikih ekonomskih razlika koje proizvodi globalizacija.Da bi se što bolje shvatile specifičnosti savremenog ideološki motivisanog ekstremizma napravljena je komparativna analiza najznačajnijih aktera koja je obuhvatila područje SAD, Evrope i Srbije. Kada je reč o ekstremnoj desnici ona je u SAD ponikla na principima rasizma koji su duboko utemeljeni u njenu tradiciju (još od vremena nastanka Kju Kluks Klana). U Evropi desničarski ekstremizam nastaje kao odgovor na priliv velikog broja imigranata koji rađaju ksenofobiju, dok je u Srbiji ekstremna desnica proizvod nacionalizma koji je bio glavni podstrekač građanskih ratova na prostorima bivše SFRJ 90-ih godina 20. veka. Levičarski ekstremizam se intenzivira zahvaljujući svetskoj ekonomskoj krizi koja je “probudila” mnoge anarhističke organizacije. Osim anarhizma, ekstremna levica je generisala i eko-ekstremizam koji je aktuelan pre svega na prostorima SAD i Velike Britanije. U evropskim zemljama se ekstremna levica povezuje i teži internacionalizaciji, što se vidi po mnogobrojnim akcijama koje izvodi širom sveta. U Grčkoj je ekstremna levica poprimila obličje anarhoterorizma, što je veliki problem po evropski bezbednosni sistem. Ekstremizam levičarske ideološke provenijencije u Srbiji je tek u začetku i bazira se na ideji anarhizma, a okuplja uglavnom nezaposlene, tranzicione gubitnike i studente. Ideološki motivisan ekstremizam u formi ekstremne levice i ekstremne desnice se najčešće javlja u kriznim vremenima jer nudi “laka rešenja” koja se pretežno ostvaruju uz pomoć nasilja. Uzimajući u obzir da će i u budućnosti dolaziti vreme povremenih velikih kriza, može se osnovano pretpostaviti da će i levičarski i desničarski motivisan ekstremizam opstati, a sa njima i njihovo nasilje.- All metadata published by Europeana are available free of restriction under the Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication. However, Europeana requests that you actively acknowledge and give attribution to all metadata sources including Europeana
Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- The dissertation is researching economic inequalities as, possibly, one of the dominant causes of intra state conflicts as the ...beginning of the 21st century. By doing that, work is focusing on present economic structure as the key reason for high rates of economic inequality. The author analyzes the trends of international and internal inequalities in the second half of the 20th century and concludes that the main cause of the dramatic increase in both types is market liberalization and elimination of numerous trade and non-trade barriers that led to historically highest recorded inequality levels. In such circumstances, the author concludes that the inequality ceases to be purely economic category and attain wider, social impact. The process of transformation inequality into a violent conflict is explained by using three different theoretical frameworks. The first one (The Resource Mobilization Theory) states that simple existence of inequality is not sufficient for the formation of violent conflict, and that the presence of other elements is necessary as well. By placing importance on categories of interest, organization, mobilization and collective action theory emphasizes the importance of social factors in conflict formation. In addition, Theory of Horizontal Inequalities is also considered due to it’s emphasizing on importance of group membership for economic status of individuals. Finally, into the consideration is taken the Theory of Relative Deprivation which is focusing on the importance of psychological factors, i.e. frustration (in conflict formation) which occurs when large discrepancies between desired and current state present itself. The author notes consistency of this theory in explaining nature of economic inequalities, which is why the concept of relative deprivation is taken as the most suitable one for the explanation of the relationship inequality-conflict. When it comes to contemporary methods designed to alleviate or eradicate inequalities author is focusing on Latin America and the left-of-center governments that are dominant in this part of the world. The success of these governments in combating inequality, in author's opinion is explained by their theoretical background based on the Dependency Theory. The importance of social factors for the economic structure and greater state role in economic development are seen by this interpretation essential for reduction of extreme social differences, especially prominent in Latin America where this theory has originated. Modern Latin American governments apply abovementioned approach, but also introduce elements that are adapted to the new international and domestic environment. Within these lines, the presence of two different factions is recognized; one (moderate) that seeks modification of the existing capitalist system, and the second (radical) which is making efforts to re-affirm the idea of socialism. The author notes that both factions are successful in achieving the set goal (reducing inequalities) and presume that manifested differences can be seen not as an obstacle but as an advantage, since they are indication that change is not necessary unambiguous. The author concludes that economic inequalities have reached the level that can be characterized as critical and that the world has entered in the phase of the uncertainty when it comes to their impact on the formation of violent conflicts. Therefore, in his opinion, the need for new models of development, based on higher degree of social justice, is pronounced more than ever before.- Rad se bavi istraživanjem ekonomskih nejednakosti kao moguće jednog od dominantnih uzroka nasilnih sukoba unutar država na početku 21. veka. Pri tome, postojeća ekonomska struktura uzima se kao ključni razlog visoke stope ekonomske nejednakosti. Autor kroz analizu kretanja međunarodne i unutrašnje nejednakosti u drugoj polovini 20. veka pokazuje kako je upravo liberalizacija i ukidanje brojnih tržišnih i ne-tržišnih barijera glavni uzrok drastičnog porasta dva oblika nejednakosti koja su dostigla istorijski najviši zabeleženi nivo. U takvim uslovima, autor zaključuje da nejednakost prestaje biti isključivo ekonomska kategorija i dobija, šire, društveno značenje. Prilikom istraživanja načina putem kojih se nejednakost transformiše u sukob autor polazi od tri teorijska stanovišta. Prvi od njih je teorija mobilizacije resursa koja smatra da samo postojanje nejednakosti nije dovoljno za formiranje nasilnih sukoba već je neophodno i prisustvo drugih elemenata. Stavljajući važnost na kategorije interesa, organizacije, mobilizacije i kolektivne akcije navedena teorija u prvi plan ističe važnost društvenih tj. socijalnih faktora u započinjanju sukoba. Pored toga, istražuje se teorija horizontalnih nejednakosti koja nejednaki ekonomski položaj pojedinca povezuje sa njegovom pripadnošću različitim grupama koje su manje ili više deprivilegovane. Na kraju, prisutna je i teorija relativne deprivacije koja važnost pridaje psihološkim faktorima tj. frustraciji koja nastaje kod pojedinaca usled velikog raskoraka između poželjnog i postojećeg stanja. Autor primećuje da se ovakvo objašnjenje u potpunosti poklapa sa prirodom nastanka ekonomskih nejednakosti i da je zbog toga koncept relativne deprivacije najpotpunije može objasniti prirodu nastanka veze nejednakost-sukob. Kada su u pitanju konkretne strategije kojima bi se ovako stvorene nejednakosti ublažile ili iskorenile autor se okreće latinoameričkom kontinentu i politici vlada levo od centra koje su sa početkom 21.veka postale dominantne u ovom delu sveta. Pri tome, autor njihov uspeh objašnjava pozivanjem i primenom rešenja koja su zagovarana od strane pripadnika tzv. teorije zavisnosti. Važnost uticaja društvenih činilaca na ekonomsku strukturu i veća uloga države u ekonomsku životu i podsticanju razvoja su po takvom tumačenju ključni za ublažavanje socijalnih razlika koje su posebno izražene u Latinskoj Americi gde je ova teorija i nastala '60-ih godina prošlog veka. Savremene vlade primenjuju navedene stavove, ali i uvode nove elemente prilagođavajući se promenjenim međunarodnim i unutrašnjim okolnostima. Primećuju se dve struje unutar nove latinoameričke levice pri čemu jedna (umerena) teži izmeni postojećeg kapitalističkog sistema dok druga (radikalna) ulaže napore da ponovno afirmiše ideju socijalizma. Autor navodi da obe struje imaju uspeha u postizanju zacrtanog cilja (smanjenje nejednakosti) i da razlike koje se ispoljavaju predstavljaju prednost, a ne nedostatak jer pokazuju da put do promene ne mora biti jednoznačan. Autor zaključuje da su ekonomske nejednakosti dostigle nivo koji se može okarakterisati kao kritičan i da svet ulazi u oblast nepoznatog kada je u pitanju njihov uticaj na formiranje nasilnih sukoba. Upravo zbog toga potreba stvaranja drugačijih modela razvoja, koji u svojoj osnovi imaju zalaganje za većim stepenom društvene pravde, danas je po autorovom mišljenju posebno izražena.- All metadata published by Europeana are available free of restriction under the Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication. However, Europeana requests that you actively acknowledge and give attribution to all metadata sources including Europeana
Provider: EFG - The European Film Gateway EFG - The European Film Gateway - Institution: EFG - The European Film Gateway Istituto Luce - Cinecittà - Data provided by Europeana Collections- 12 - the ...pass hotel of the birds on the eponymous crossing- 21 - suggestive panoramic view of the snow-covered Dolomites- 7 - Borgo sul Brenta: panoramic view and within the country- 6 - the village of Roncegno at the foot of the Tesobo with the park with villa- 13 - an obelisk reminiscent of fallen soldiers for Italy- 15 - San Bovo canal surrounded by birch forests- 9 - view from the top of the village of Strigno- 8 - Castel Telvara extended on Borgo- 5 - Mount Selvot- 4 - the park and the Levico pond- 3 - the Grand hotel in Levico- 20 - the Duomo of 1732- 2 - the thermal baths of Levico- 10 - the church of Strigno with the detail of the bell tower- 19 - Primiero fair at the Dolomites Falde- 18 - a pasture between larches and fir trees- 17 - cattle graze in the valley- 16 - ruins at the gorges del Vanoi- 14 - the primierano and the Conca del Tesino- 1 - panoramic view of Levico- 11 - overview of the valley that descends from Castel Tesino to Brenta- 1 - veduta panoramica di Levico- 2 - le Terme di Levico- 3 - il Grand Hotel di Levico- 4 - il parco ed il laghetto di Levico- 5 - il monte Selvot- 6 - il paese di Roncegno ai piedi del Tesobo con il parco con villa- 7 - Borgo sul Brenta: veduta panoramica e all'interno del paese- 8 - Castel Telvara proteso su Borgo- 9 - veduta dall'alto del paesetto di Strigno- 10 - la chiesa di Strigno con il particolare del campanile- 11 - veduta d'insieme della vallata che discende dal Castel Tesino al Brenta- 12 - l'albergo Passo degli Uccelli sul valico omonimo- 13 - un obelisco che ricorda i soldati caduti per l'Italia- 14 - Il primierano e la conca del Tesino- 15 - Canale San Bovo circondato da boschi di betulle- 16 - ruderi presso le gole del Vanoi- 17 - bovini pascolano nella valle- 18 - un pascolo tra larici ed abeti- 19 - Fiera di Primiero alle falde delle Dolomiti- 20 - il Duomo del 1732- 21 - suggestiva veduta panoramica delle Dolomiti innevate- All metadata published by Europeana are available free of restriction under the Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication. However, Europeana requests that you actively acknowledge and give attribution to all metadata sources including Europeana
Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- 96x145 mm, color. Ristampa dell'edizione: Heilbronn, Volk, 1907, l'originale è conservato al Museo Nuvoli della cartolina di Isera- ...All metadata published by Europeana are available free of restriction under the Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication. However, Europeana requests that you actively acknowledge and give attribution to all metadata sources including Europeana
Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- 95x145 mm, b/n. Ristampa dell'edizione: Levico, Ed. delle Terme, 1900, l'originale è conservato al Museo Nuvoli della cartolina di ...Isera- All metadata published by Europeana are available free of restriction under the Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication. However, Europeana requests that you actively acknowledge and give attribution to all metadata sources including Europeana
Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- 102x149 mm, b/n. Data dal timbro postale- Viaggiata- All metadata published by Europeana are available free of restriction under the ...Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication. However, Europeana requests that you actively acknowledge and give attribution to all metadata sources including Europeana
Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- 141x89 mm, b/n. Pubblicata da Bortoluzzi (Levico) e da Dalle Nogare, Armetti (Milano), data dal testo manoscritto- All metadata ...published by Europeana are available free of restriction under the Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication. However, Europeana requests that you actively acknowledge and give attribution to all metadata sources including Europeana
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