The article is about the public celebrations for the independence of Brazil that have taken place in Bahia since July 2, 1823, when the Portuguese troops were forced out of the country by the Bay of ...All Saints. It is a civic-popular calendar that has as its high point the parade through the streets of Salvador, the Bahian capital, and in other cities of the Recôncavo, with students, representatives of native communities, social movements, political parties, capoeiristas, sambistas, military corporations, cultural associations and religious brotherhoods. The main elements of the parade are two sculptures, the Caboclos. The Caboclo is the representation of a native pointing a spear and crushing a dragon with his feet, which would be the colonial submission. The Cabocla, on the other hand, is the representation of Catarina Paraguassú, the Tupinambá native who married the Portuguese explorer Diogo Alvares Correia, during the colonial period. She parades heavily adorned and carrying the flags of Bahia and Brazil. Both are also venerated in candomblé, a religion of African origin. The objective of the text is to highlight the historical and cultural dynamics that, intertwined in this national mythology, continue to be fundamental to analyze political projects, popular aspirations and social tensions that, throughout two hundred years, mark the trajectory of independent Brazil. The sources that support this text are official documents, press, police correspondence, chroniclers, and artists.
"In Romanian hisoriography, the beginnings of the modern idea of political unity, of the national state, are placed in the years of the rule of the native princes (1822-1828) and of the Russian ...occupation, when the first modern manifestations in this sense appeared, concerning the union of the Wallachia with Moldavia, as a Romanian state, a buffer state between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, based on the historical rights in relation with the Porte, a state with modern institutions, according to the understanding and interests of the elite of the time. An interesting conclusion, resulting from a contextual analysis of the transformations of the period, without benefiting from too many explicit documentary references. Nevertheless, previous proposals concerning the establishment of a principality or kingdom of Dacia have been intensively discussed by Romanian and foreign historians, but, in our opinion, insufficient clarification has been provided regarding the extent to which these proposals belong or not to the history of the modern Romanian national project. In order to be able to make some reasoned conclusions we propose to conduct a comparative study. On the one hand, the ""Dacia project"" promoted by Russia in the years following the Treaty of Kuciuk Kainardji and the Ainalî Kavak Convention, subsequently associated with some Russian plans for the reorganization of the Balkans promoted especially by Ioannis Kapodistrias, deserves special attention. On the other hand, after 1821, in a historical context influenced by the outbreak of the Greek revolution and the efforts of the Great Powers to find solutions for the organisation of a Greek Christian principality, the first Romanian proposals for the Union of Moldavia with Wallachia into a national state were to appear, the most important being the proposal of January-February 1830 to achieve the union with a foreign prince, in the person of Gustav of Vasa, former Crown Prince of Sweden."
This article seeks to provide a conceptual framework and a methodological apparatus for investigating conflicts between central and local governments. Our work is inspired by contemporary ...recentralization processes seen in Europe, which are motivated both pragmatically (to counteract the financial crisis) and ideologically (the "illiberal turn"). These phenomena refer to the broader concept of conflict of interest, which is at the core of democratic systems. We see the limiting the autonomy of substatal actors as a sign of democratic crisis. Although our study draws upon empirical phenomena observed in Poland, its ambition is to provide a universal framework to analyze central-local relations. By combining the theoretical distinction between different dimensions of the political universum, with the easy-to-operationalize variables that make up the Local Autonomy Index our paper proposes two typologies to capture, respectively, centralistic actions, and local governments' reactions. These typologies can be used to map the patterns of central-local relations in particular countries, and facilitate comparative studies.
This article seeks to explore the negotiation character of Estercilia Simanca Pushaina’s poetics with the purpose of demonstrating that her literature, in conventional alphabetic writing and in ...Spanish, translates in depth the epistemologies – based on the oral tradition – of the indigenous wayuu community, installed in the peninsula of La Guajira, between Colombia and Venezuela. This means studying Simanca’s literature in the light of history, concerning, in particular the phenomenon of economic smuggling that characterizes the wayuu indigenous community since the 17th century. Recovering the historicity of Simanca’s literature means putting the author’s and the wayuu community’s capacity of political agency at the center of the discussion. In her literature, Simanca gives an account of a multiple community that cannot be reduced to a fixed cultural identity: in the wayuu community, cultural reinvention is the key to ensuring its political autonomy. Simanca’s poetics testify to these strategies of cultural reinvention and political negotiation by opening a dialogue with the Colombian majoritarian society and highlighting the profound conception of temporality in the wayuu community and the socio-political relations that emerge from there.
In this paper I offer a new interpretation of Marx’s essay On the Jewish Question (OJQ) which re-states its key ideas but removes unnecessary debates that are not relevant to current political and ...legal problems. Because OJQ is a demonstration of critique it does not offer positive proscriptions or suggestions for change. Its utility, I argue, lies in the way it can help us think about the limits of resolving deeply entrenched power-relations without a thoroughgoing engaging of how those powers are created and enacted in civil society. With this in mind I read OJQ alongside the recent campaign to legislate for marriage equality in Australia and the movement to recognise environmental human rights. While both movements might ameliorate instances of discrimination and harm, I argue that they cannot resolve those powers that limit certain kinds of access or render people and things subordinate to other interests.
The current crisis with imposed austerity measures hit Greece in 2009. People in large cities such as Athens were the first victims. Resistance took various forms including mobilizations and fights ...in the streets and squares of Athens. Although to some extent spontaneous in the beginning, these mobilizations were not without political preparation (at least for some participants) and this partially explains both their intensity and stability and the violent police reaction. Resistance and anti-austerity mobilizations were outcomes of non-politicized people coming together with various more organized political forces, such as unions, non-unionized temporary workers, anti-racist and anti-global movements, members of the European Social Forum-Greek section, small leftist and anarchist groups, plus larger political parties of the left such as SYRIZA, which succeeded in forming a wider radical alliance.
In this alliance the role of radical social movements, including urban movements, has been decisive. During the past 10 to 15 years dozens of urban grass-roots movements emerged in the Athens metropolitan region. Partly as a response to projects related to the 2004 Olympic Games, and partly in response to chronic socio-spatial inequalities and injustices in various neighborhoods, these movements were radical in nature, multi-class in social base and quite militant in terms of tactics. And since 2009, the crisis acted as catalyst, and radical social movements made the crucial link between sectoral/local struggles and those arising from wider socio-spatial contradictions and injustices aiming at political change.
The paper critically evaluates these events, putting them in theoretical and comparative perspective, trying to understand the limits and the lessons-so-far from such an experience and asks whether they point to a wider radical political emancipation.
Resumo O presente texto busca apreender o solo histórico onde se processa a luta pelo direito à cidade no Brasil e os limites postos por estas determinações histórico-estruturais à emancipação ...política da cidade. Trata-se de um trabalho de natureza teórica que, por meio de uma revisão bibliográfica, procurou construir uma interlocução com importantes teóricos da formação social brasileira, a fim de elucidar os entraves e os desafios à plena materialização do direito à cidade em um país de capitalismo de natureza dependente, como o Brasil. Como resultado compreendemos que a luta anticapitalista torna-se vital para a materialização real de cidades mais democráticas, justas e sustentáveis, uma vez que a luta urbana deve ter como horizonte, além da conquista de sua emancipação política - fundamental em sociedades desiguais como a brasileira - a adoção de uma direção crítica socialmente referenciada nas necessidades da classe trabalhadora para a construção de uma nova ordem societária.
Abstract This article seeks to understand the history of the struggle for the right to the city in Brazil and the limits placed by historicalstructural determinations to the political emancipation of the city. It is a theoretical study using a bibliographical review of the relevant scholars with a background in social sciences to reflect and elucidate the obstacles and the challenges to the full materialization of the right to the city in a country of dependent capitalism, such as Brazil. As a result, it was possible to understand that the anti-capitalist struggle becomes vital for the real materialization of democratic, just, and sustainable cities. The urban struggle must intend, beyond the conquest of political emancipation (fundamental in unequal societies such as Brazil’s), to adopt a socially driven critical directions when providing for the needs of the working class and in building a new social order.
Em 1855, eclodiu um movimento político na cidade de Campos com o objetivo de criar uma nova província no Império Brasileiro. Ela iria se chamar Província de Campos dos Goytacazes, com sede na cidade ...de mesmo nome. Seu território abrangeria as atuais regiões norte-noroeste fluminense, alguns municípios da Zona da Mata e o Sul do Espírito Santo. O projeto partiu da economia canavieira, que então vivia um momento de apogeu. O sul do Espírito Santo aderiu ao movimento, mas ele foi abortado na Câmara e no Senado da Corte. Contudo, o mito da região e de Campos como capital da Província e depois do Estado do Estado do Rio de Janeiro perdurou até o início do terceiro milênio.
Najat El Hachmi's La caçadora de cossos (2011) has been described by critics as a failed novel: a failure that, after the great expectations raised by El Hachmi's first novel, led many to question ...the state of Hispanophone literature. Although El Hachmi's L'últim patriarca had led many to believe that Catalonia's Amazigh community was beginning to articulate a clear demand for recognition, her refusal to embrace this identity in her second novel disappointed critics and public alike. This essay aims to provide much-needed perspective to El Hachmi's second novel by contextualizing her contentious disavowal of ethnic identity in the post-ethnic drive that has informed much of Francophone literature in the last two decades. I claim that recognition is not a first step towards political emancipation, but rather that recognition and political emancipation are constantly being rearticulated to respond to fluid socio-economic challenges.
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