Indonesia has a unique and diverse religious landscape, with differences in religious life due to the spread of religion assimilated by local culture. This study aims to explain the identity of ...places of worship as a means of spiritualism in Indonesia. In addition, how are places of worship also possibly a means of disseminating political propaganda. This study used a literature review research methodology through data collection techniques involving reviewing books, relevant literature in academic writings, notes, and various reports related to the article theme of Identity of Places of Worship as a Means of Spiritualism and Political Propaganda in Indonesia. It is known that a place of worship is a gathering place for people who seek to practice their beliefs and their faith, therefore such facilities are vital for inter alia, various religious practices and beliefs to be exercised. However, this maybe different if the existence of a place of worship is used as a means of practical political propaganda dissemination. Places of worship can have two sides of interest, namely first, places of worship are an effective means of spiritualism and spirituality for adherents of religions in self-healing related to psychological and divine values. Spiritualism is the metaphysical belief that the world is comprised of at least two fundamental substances, matter and spirit. There is of course also spirituality which connotes that people recognize and have a feeling or sense or belief that there is something greater than oneself, and thus a lot more to being human than only sensory experiences, and especially that the greater whole of which people are part and parcel, is in essence cosmic or divine in nature. Second, places of worship may also often be abused and used as a means of political propaganda spreading which is carried out intentionally and consciously to strengthen the intention of a political attitude or is an opinion desired by certain parties or even politicians.
The article examines the role of Greek historian Silenus in building a strategic narrative about the Second Punic War (218–201 BCE) and Hannibal’s image for the needs of political propaganda. ...Historical annals composed by Lucius Coelius Antipater, a Roman jurist and historian, provide an interesting framework for drawing conclusions about Silenus’ work. An analysis of formal and substantive principles in Coelius’ annals supports the identification of similarities in both authors’ works and the modifications introduced by the Roman historian. Silenus was tasked with building a historical narrative in support of Carthage, and he resorted to various literary devices to paint a positive image of the Carthaginian general. These propaganda measures incorporated religious elements, as evidenced by two events described in Cicero’s De divinatione: Hannibal’s dream at the beginning of the invasion in the Apennine Mountains, and the general’s stay in Capo Colonna towards the end of the Italian campaign. These episodes were clearly derived from Silenus’ works, which suggests that Hannibal resorted to various tools to build his political image. In addition to formal references to Hellenic literature, Hannibal’s propagandist relied also on the language of communication derived from a “hieratic” approach to glorifying own achievements and Middle Eastern traditions. The aim of these literary manipulations was to convince the readers that the worlds of gods and humans are entangled, and that political and military leaders are endowed with miraculous powers that enable them to rise to victory. Coelius introduced some modifications to Silenus’ original work, possibly with the intent of concealing his attempts at portraying Hannibal as a Carthaginian leader with divine status.
Desde la creación de la moneda en el ámbito occidental, en la zona del Mar Egeo en el siglo VII a.C., esta pequeña pieza de metal se convirtió en el mejor instrumento de intercambio comercial, pero a ...la vez se transformó en un potente medio de propaganda política y religiosa, siempre controlado de forma férrea por el poder emisor de la moneda, que quiso plasmar unos mensajes específicos y muy claros en las leyendas monetarias que acompañaban a su iconografía, no dejando nada al azar. Este mensaje político y religioso llegó a su cima en la época medieval, en los tres grandes ámbitos mediterráneos, la Europa occidental, el Imperio bizantino y el Islam. Cada zona tuvo sus peculiaridades, pero en todas predominaron estos mensajes, que estudiaremos en este trabajo para el primero de ellos, la Europa occidental, viendo algunos ejemplos que muestran la importancia de estos mensajes monetarios durante los mil años que transcurren desde la caída del Imperio Romano de Occidente hasta los inicios del siglo XVI. Veremos cómo el poder político en sus distintos escalones afianzó un mensaje de propiedad y exclusividad, destinado tanto a los súbditos de ese poder, como a sus enemigos o vecinos, ya que en estos siglos la moneda es sin duda el objeto que más viaja, tanto en rapidez como en distancia, y todo el que llega a tenerla en sus manos debe identificarlas para conocer su verdadero valor económico y, por tanto, está obligado también a entender el significado de sus tipos y leyendas.
This article re-examines the sources on the exile period that the Athenian family of the Alcmaeonids spent in Delphi after the murder of Hipparchus in 514 BC. The ancient tradition on this episode is ...contradictory (especially with regard to the construction of the new temple of Apollo and the “corruption” of the Pythia). Therefore, it can be rather difficult to tell Alcmaeonid propaganda apart from that of their Athenian adversaries. Another hypothesis, however, deserves to be assessed: rather than in Athens, the charge of corrupting the Pythia might itself have been elaborated within a Delphic environment.
“Telling fables” has never ceased to exert a fascination on the world of Italian politics. On the pages of Il manifesto, Luigi Pintor repeatedly nicknamed Massimo D’Alema “Maximum Fox”. Others have ...identified Giorgio Napolitano with Mastro Cherry (Mastro Ciliegia) and Renzi with Pinocchio himself. These parallels have their origin in the early decades of the twentieth century, when children’s literature and young adult fiction were assigned a primary role in the project of enrolling young people in the ranks of the nation. Since then, “telling fables” has become a synonym for “telling lies” – and in this context, Pinocchio’s name is generally used as a substitute for “liar”. The cat and the fox have found their real-life counterparts in various well-known pairs of Italian politicians, starting with Nenni and Togliatti. In more recent times, Andreotti was often identified as the foxiest of foxes, and was paired, in different periods, with the various cats he encountered in the course of his long political career.
This work is devoted to analyzing, in the context of political propaganda and by using selected newspaper and magazine articles, the portrayal of Franjo Tuđman in the Serbian press in the period from ...the First General Assembly of the HDZ to the beginning of the Serb rebellion in Croatia. The role and purpose of the newspaper and magazine articles in creating a negative image of Franjo Tuđman through a process of artificially constructing an illusion of an enemy is shown and explained. The Serbian press, from the beginning, portrayed Franjo Tuđman as a Croatian nationalist and an enemy of the Serbian people. The media campaign against Franjo Tuđman seamlessly blended in with the patterns of the Greater Serbian propaganda campaign against Croatia. That broader campaign began in mid-1989 and steadily gathered pace. It was fuelled, first and foremost, by negative depictions of the Ustasha regime and the Independent State of Croatia (NDH).
In this article we review two testimonies that emerged during two of
the most important propagandistic conflicts of the seventeenth century. The first,
the Cartel de desafío y protestación ...caballeresca de don Quijote de la Mancha, caballero de la Triste Figura, en defensión de sus castellanos, appeared in 1642 on
the occasion of the Spanish-Portuguese War of Restoration. The second, the Carta
escrita por don Quijote al señor don Juan de Austria, dates from December 1668 and
arose in the light of the so-called guerra de las plumas between don Juan José de
Austria and Father Juan Everardo Nithard, the favourite of Queen Mariana of Austria.
In addition, we offer an edition of this second testimony for which we have taken as
a reference the manuscripts preserved today in the Biblioteca Nacional de España
En este artículo revisaremos dos testimonios gestados durante dos de los conflictos propagandísticos más importantes del siglo XVII. El primero, el Cartel de desafío y protestación caballeresca de don Quijote de la Mancha caballero de la Triste Figura, en defensión de sus castellanos, apareció en 1642 con motivo de la guerra de la Restauración hispanolusa. El segundo, la Carta escrita por don Quijote al señor don Juan de Austria, data de diciembre de 1668 y surgió a la luz de la llamada guerra de las plumas entre don Juan José de Austria y el padre Juan Everardo Nithard, valido de la reina Mariana de Austria. Además, ofrecemos una edición de este segundo testimonio para la que hemos tomado como referencia los manuscritos que hoy conserva la Biblioteca Nacional de España.
This article takes into account some broadsheets published in London between 1562 and 1570, a span of time in which the birth of deformed pigs is read in the light of the conflicts that destabilised ...the auroral decade of Elizabeth I’s reign. In this period, both Protestants and Catholics fostered a symbolic imagery, as a result of which deformed animals (and humans) were deciphered instrumentally as signs of God’s wrath against the religious and political enemy. The pig – a dirty and obscene beast – embodied further meanings when its anatomy exceeded the laws of nature, and could be interpreted as a mirror of moral and social non-conformity.
There are observable realistic factors - economic, legal and political - that contribute to initiating and maintaining international conflicts, including starting wars. Behind such factors there are ...also various psychological elements. This paper recalls correspondence between Albert Einstein and Sigmund Freud and Freud's pessimistic response to the question "Why War?" and explores this question from the point of view of large-group psychology. The term "large group" describes thousands or millions of people, most of whom never see or even know about each other as individuals, but who share many of the same sentiments and the same realistic or fantasied ancestral history. This paper defines a concept, "large-group identity", and describes how protecting it plays a key role in maintaining and even initiating war-like situations or wars. This paper also considers the psychological make-up of a decision-maker with political power who encourages war.
The general election is a democratic means to gain power constitutionally. Several groups, however, use all the possible means to achieve that power. Firehose of falsehood is an example of political ...propaganda models that use every means to influence public opinion. This model of political propaganda finds its momentum through propaganda on social media. The purpose of this research is to understand the model of the firehose of falsehood on social media in the 2019 Indonesian presidential election. This research method uses a discourse analysis approach to identify the phenomena and events regarding the use of political propaganda on social media. Meanwhile, data collection is carried out through Twitter social media documentation. The results of this analysis indicated that the Firehose of Falsehood propaganda model was used as a political propaganda in the 2019 Indonesian presidential election. Social media, especially Twitter, became a means of propaganda to influence public opinion. The message delivery models were carried out through several methods. First, they were disseminated massively through various channels; second, they were carried out continuously and repeatedly; third, they were not following objective facts; and fourth, the media were lack of consistency.
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